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Start  of  [The  Jewish  Congregation 

of  Kirchen]  : 

AR  3233 

Sys#:  000195548 

LEO  BAECK  INSTITUTE 

Center  for  Jewish  History 

15  West  16th  Street 
New  York,  NY  10011 

Phone;  (212)  744-6400 
Fax:  (212)  988-1305 
Email:  lbaeck@lbi.cjh.org 
URL:  http://www.lbi.org 


The  Jewish  Congregation  of  Kirchen 
( Ef ringen-Kirchen , Kreis  Loerrach) 

1736  - 1940 

200  Years  Jewish  History  in  the  Markgraef lerland . 
by:  Axel  Huettner 

This  is  a translation  of  Rev.  Huettner's  book,  and  I as  translator 
am  responsible  for  any  errors  or  omissions. 

This  is  one  fo  the  best  written  and  detailed  books  on  the  subject 
and  the  region,  and  I hope  I've  done  it  justice  with  my  knowledge 
of  english  S,  german.  A great  many  guotations  in  old  language  & 
grammatical  form  are  used  that  are  very  hard  to  translate;  I hope 
I've  at  least  gotten  the  gist  of  it. 

The  'Markgraef lerland ' is  a blessed  region  in  south-western 
Germany  along  the  Rhine  to  south  & west  and  the  Black  Forest  to 
the  east,  that  corner  of  Germany  known  also  as  the  'Drei  Laender 
Eck',  the  Three  Countries'  Corner,  since  Germany,  France  and 
Switzerland  meet  there. 

My  personal  knowledge  of  Kirchen  is  sketchy  since  I myself  grew  up 
in  Muellheim,  about  15  miles  north  the  'Landstrasse,  now  the 
B-3  highway,  a road  travelled  by  Johann  Peter  Hebei,  the  well- 
know  alemannic  poet  of  the  region.  As  a little  boy  I was  at  Kirchen 
only  a few  times,  and  there  was  actually  little  contact  between 
Kirchen  & Muellheim  (to  my  meager  knowledge)  except  as  in  the  book. 
Jakob  Alperowitz  was  my  hebrew  teacher  & the  Phlipp  Moses  family 
lived  in  the  house  adjoining  that  of  my  grandfather,  Gustav  Zivi 
where  I grew  up  until  mid-1936  when  my  mother  and  I left  for  USA. 


Manchester , VT . Fall  1993 


This  translation  is  purely  for  scholarly  purposes. 


2 


Foreword 

The  Commune  of  Efringen-Kirchen  thanks  Axel  Huettner,  minister  in  Kandern- 
Wollbach,  for  his  initiative,  to  keep  alive  the  memory  of  the  Life  of  our 
Jewish  fellow  citizens  up  to  their  death  & dispersion.  In  his  book  publ.1978 
"The  Jewish  Community  of  Kirchen"  he  placed  the  various  stations  of  our  former 
fellow  citizens.  This  book,  publixhed  in  500  copies,  was  so  well  accepted  that 
it  was  soon  sold  out.  Another  500  copies  were  preinted  that  too  were  gone  in  a 
few  years.  So  it  was  not  surprising  that  a desire  for  a new  edition  existed. 


The  current  work  is  only  roughly  comparable  with  the  old;  it  was  thoroly 
reworked,  much  more  complete  and  more  detailed,  for  which  the  Jewish  citizens 
who  visited  us  1883  & 1991  were  very  important. 


The  community  is  very  appreciative  of  Axel  Huettner,  the  author  of  this  book. 

He  assumed  the  tr  emendous  load  of  many  hours  of  work  in  addition  to  his 
occupation  as  pastor  and  produced  this  work  at  no  cost.  For  their  help  in  the 
documentation  and  research,  assembling  photos  & sketches,  the  considerable 
writing  and  editing,  the  community  thanks  Walter  Silbereisen,  chief  of  the 
community  administration  Efringen-Kirchen,  Wolfgand  Weller,  teacher  at  the  local 
schools,  Michael  Oehlbach,  house  master  at  the  schools,  Birgit  Sutter  of  the 
community  administration,  Tanja  Glass  from  Lambrecht,  Renate  Huettner  from 
Wollbach,  the  employees  of  the  Generallandesarchiv  Karlsruhe,  the  Stadtarchiv 
Loerrach,  as  well  as  the  former  Jewish  fellow  citizens  who  now  live  in  the  USA, 
particularly  Sophie  Kessler,  and  Alfred  Rosenberg  also  Herbert  Braeunlin, 

Halt ingen,  who  with  their  knowledge  & experience  were  very  helpful.  Also  due 
thanks  are  the  town  council  Efringen-Kirchen  who  in  spite  of  difficulties  made 
funds  avaiable  and  again  demonstrated  their  high  sense  of  responsibility  for  a 
cultural  work  and  sensible  project. 

This  book  has  an  edition  of  1,500  copies,  and  will  probably  find  interest.  It 
informs  us  about  the  fate  of  our  Jewish  fellow  citizens  and  may  therefor  help 
us  to  think  conscously  think  of  our  fellow  man  and  greater  tolerance  in  an 
increasingly  difficult  time. 

Horst  Dierkes 

Buergermeister 


Efringen-Kirchen,  in  January  1993. 


3 


The  Early  History  - to  1716 

The  beginning  of  the  history  of  the  jews  in  Germany  is  hidden  in  apologetic 
semi -darkness.  The  legends  and  sagas,  the  existence  of  larger  Jewish  communities 
in  Germany  already  in  pre-christian  times,  that  they  want  to  prove  are  clear 
to  be  viewed  as  religous,  cultural  or  economic  apologia  of  the  Jewish  communities 
in  their  fioght  for  existence  agaisnt  the  Christian  world  around  them. 

Efforts  to  date  the  large  congregations  of  Worms  and  Mainz,  that  in  1636  spoke 
of  1,700  years  of  existance,  —Worms  1432  — 1,500  years  existence  — of  their 
congregations  in  the  same  place  can  no  doubt  be  proven  historically.  But 
certain , provably  is  the  documented  appearance  of  Jews  at  Cologne  before  the 
year  321  AD  and  in  Trier  shortly  after  305  AD.  Aside  of  the  two  cities  Cologne 
& Trier  no  documentation  exists  for  dating  the  first  Jewish  communities  in 
other  areas  of  the  Rhine  region. 

Just  as  many  cities  and  settlements  in  the  Upper  Rhine  region  date  to  the  roman 
period  without  a specific  founding,  i.e.  Strassburg,  Basel  & Breisach,  so  the 
founding  of  the  Jewish  conmunities  cannot  be  dated  either.  The  development  of 
these  cities  to  sometimes  great  strength  is  very  closely  tied  to  the  economic 


development,  which  the  old  settled  Jews  strongly  fostered.  If  as  netrepreneur  or 
merchant.  Judge,  customs  agent  or  physician,  the  Jews  mostly  had  a respectable 
place  in  public  life.  With  their  foreign  trade  with  the  orient  and  the  Slavic 
countries  they  performed  greatly  for  the  economic  upturn  of  their  cities,  and 
helped  to  found  a new  order  in  the  economy.  The  exchange  of  money  took  the  place 
of  the  up  to  now  customary  exchange  of  goods,  or  bartering.  In  addition,  a second 
occupation  must  be  mentioned  among  the  Jews  along  the  Upper  Rhine:  Agriculture. 

Of  vourse  the  Jews  could  not  maintain  themselves  in  the  long  run  against  the 
feudal  system  of  the  medieval  economy  and  life-style,  that  was  founded  on  a 
common  Christian  belief.  If  one  views  the  Jewish  economic  history  in  certain 
developnent  phases,  one  :?'rrives  after  the  already  described  phases  1 & 2,  in 
which  the  Jews  were  catalysts  to  a modern  money  economy  and  who  generally 
lived  in  peace  with  the  local  population  who  had  other  religous  beliefs, 
at  phases  3 & 4,  in  which  the  Christian  learned  these  activities  themselves, 
and  finally  took  discriminatory  steps  against  the  Jews  who  no  longer  provided 
certain  necessary  functions.  Complicated  decrees  hemmed  in  the  Jews'  relative 
freedom  and  ability  to  move  from  place  to  place,  others  restored  them.  Roughly 
this  is  the  result  of  civil  & governmental  soiarces,  speak  synods,  councils, 


omofirpors  and  kinas  who  dictated  the  decrees.  With  the  Carolingian  begins 
the  time  of  the  royal/empirial  protection  of  Jews.  In  the  following  period 


Jewish  groups  or  individuals  were  given  special  rights. 


4 


Tho  ©arlisst  docunsnted  mention  of  jews  in  the  area  of  the  only  1806  finally 
constitutes  Land  Baden  are  partly  in  the  early  13th  century-Freiburg,Breisgau- 
1230,  Constance  - 1241,  , partly  in  the  first  half  of  the  14th  century,  Lahr- 
1356,  Breisach  - 1301,  End ingen/Kaiser Stuhl  - 1331,  Offenburg  - 1343  and 
Neuenburg  - 1354.  In  the  cities  then  a part  of  the  empire  that  are  so 
important  to  a history  fo  the  Upper  Rhine,  but  that  are  today  part  of  France 
or  Switzerland,  jews  were  first  documemted:  Strassburg  — 1188,  Rheinfelden  — 

1290,  Colmar  - 1278,  Basel  1242.  it  may  safely  be  assumed  that  long  before  the 
today  available  documentation  jewish  communites  existed  in  at  least  some  of 
these  cities.  Generally  documantation  came  about  only  at  such  a time  as  guarrels 
arose  between  Christians  & jews.  Interestingly  enough  many  of  the  dates  given 
fall  in  a period  of  anti- jewish  discriminatory  measures  taken. 

P.14  - Massacres  & Wanderings  of  Jews  in  Middle  Ages 
So  shortly  after  the  documentation  of  Jews  in  Freiburg  & Konstanz  they  were  for- 
bidden to  go  to  the  market,  and  a century  later  in  the  'clothing  order'  of  duke 
Leopold  of  Austria,  1394,  jews  were  ordered  to  wear  coats  'of  a colored  cloth' 
and  ' above  the  coats  large  striped  hats.  Shortly  thereafter  was  added  a yellow 
ring  of  84mm  diameter,  worn  on  the  upper  left  breast  fastened  to  the  outer  clothing. 

What  happened  to  the  jewish  communities  along  the  middle  Rhein,  in  Speyer , Worms, 
Mainz  & Cologne  after  the  call  of  Godfrey  of  Bullion  in  1096  - the  almost  total 
extinction  by  the  armed  might  of  the  first  crusade  - that  wanted«,  to  avenge  the 
blood  of  Christ  - happened  to  the  jewish  communities  along  the  upper  Rhine 
much  alter.  First  privilages,  rules  and  laws  were  provlaimed  here  that  more  and 
more  limited  the  jews  sphere  of  activity.  1236  Friedrich  II  declared  a 'privilege' 
that  socially  placed  the  jews  in  a new  category,  made  them  'servants  of  the 
imperial  chamber ' . Even  tho  the  no  longer  existing  economic  functions  once 
cajfjfiBd  on  by  the  jews,  who  with  the  exception  of  holding  official  positions 
in  the  cities,  had  rights  similar  to  those  of  Christians,  the  religous  fanaticism 
of  the  crusaders  toward  those  of  toher  beliefs  caused  their  status  now  to  be 
reduced  to  that  of  'imperial  chamber  servants'.  So  jews  were  no  longer  as  earlier 
like  other  indivually  privileged  groups  like  women,  merchants  or  clerics,  or  like 
city  inhabitants  of  differing  nationality.  Now  jews  were  officially  classified 
as  a special  class  of  the  population,  for  which  with  the  classification  'servi 
camera'  special  rights  were  established.  All  people  of  the  same  king  were  included 
r.amoiT/  1-Vio  TOWS-  Of  wnrthv . dionified  factors  of  the  economy  and  the  law  jews 
now  reguired  protection  and  disenfranchised  objects  of  econimic  policy.  Robbed 
of  their  former  rights,  economically  forced  out  of  the  'guild  occupations', 

politically  with  no  influence  whatever,  jews  were  forced  into  an  occupation, 
that,  carefully  expressed  was  no  logner  suitable  for  many  people  of  the  population* 


5 


For  the  interest  business  and  money  lending,  with  which  came  into  existence 
the  ' Schacher j ude ' , the  Jewish  usurer. 

P.  15  A Jewish  money  lender  at  his  count ingt able.  Since  the  15th 

century  Jews  were  permitted  only  a few  occupations:  pawnbroking, 
money  changing  and  peddling.  Guilds  no  longer  accepted  Jews  as 
members  ( Woodcut  1531) 

1215  Pope  Innocent  III,  at  the  4th  lateran  council,  forbade  all  Christians  to 
lend  money  at  interest.  Up  to  now  the  monasteries  primarily  controlled  this 
business  even  tho  Augustinus,  Gregor  of  Nyssa  and  Leo  the  Great  descried  the 
practice  sharply.  Into  this  now  open  position  the  Jews  were  forced  since  their 
role  now  as  outsiders  the  received  the  'beneficium  turpe',  to  charge  in  terest. 
The  picture  of  a sponge  that  cann  fill  itself  totally  in  order  to  be  then 
squeezed  dry  totally  gives  the  situation  of  the  Jews  of  the  time. 

The  teaching  of  some  church  fathers  about  the  necessity  of  the  existence  of 
the  Jews  in  the  Christian  state,  and  the  medieval  piousness  nurtured  by  mystical 
understanding  of  the  world  as  well  as  deep  superstition,  nourished  a new  form 
of  religiously  framed  hatred  of  Jews:  the  accusation  of  ritual  murder  and  the 
desecration  of  the  host. 

In  this  boiling  climate  of  irritation  a number  of  world-wide  catastrophes  broke 
after  1340.  Terrible  grasshopper  swarms.  High  water  caused  by  long-lasting  rains, 
destroyed  the  harvests.  Solar  eclipses  and  great  earthquakes,  like  that  of  Basel 
in  1356,  announced  for  the  population  the  nearing  end  of  the  world.  Since  1348 
the  greatest  pest  epidemic  of  the  period  flourished  depopulating  entire  cities. 

From  Basel  was  reported: the  dying  was  so  great,  that  alone  in  the  city 

14,000  people  died,  and  from  Aeschen  (gate)  to  the  Rheintor  only  three  whole 

(married)  couples  were  to  be  met 

P.16  Jews  stab  a Host  (woodcut  1492) 

P.16  The  Jews  were  also  accused  of  the  pest.  One  threaded  them  on  wheels 
and  tortured  them  with  burning  brands  in  order  to  force  a confession 
from  them.  (Woodcut  1475) 

Towards  the  end  of  1348  news  of  the  pest  (known  also  as  'Black  Death '-tr) 
and  the  well  poisenings  blamed  on  the  Jews  at  Bern  reached  Basel.  Under  pressure 
fron  guilds  and  tradesmen,  who  saw  well  poisenings  as  cause  for  the  pest,  the 
the  city  council,  tho  convinced  of  the  innocence  of  the  Jews,  gave  in  to  their 
demands,  and  so  on  9.  or  16.  (or  16.  & 23  ) January  1349  600  Jews  were  burnt  in 
an  esoeciallv  built  wooden  buildina  on  a sandbank  in  the  Rhine  near  the  Birsia 
Delta.  130  children  were  baptized.  All  debts  owed  Jews  were  declared  null  & void. 
The  city  council  was  forced  to  swear  not  to  allow  Jews  in  the  city  for  200  years. 


This  all  enconpassing  , bloodiest,  and  in  it's  consequent  persecution  of  the 


6 


js'ws  in  itiGdi0val  GGnnany  deinandGd  it's  sacrificGS  in  thG  small  citiGS  of  our 
j^0glon  as  wGll . So  thG  jgws  of  Waldshut^  SaGCkingGn»  NGUGnbiirg  (MuGllhGim) 
and  Broisach  wGrG  pGrsGCUtGd/  murdGrod/  and  thGir  propGrty  takGn. 

January  30,  1349  thG  jgws  of  Froiburg  wGrG  bumod,  with  thG  GXCGption  of  thG 
twGlvG  richGSt,  with  whosG  hGlp  onG  wantGd  to  ascGrtain  thG  jgws  dGbts,  and 
childrGn  and  prGgnant  womGn,  whosG  souls  wGrG  to  bG  savGd  by  baptism. 

FGbruary  14,1349  thG  1,800  jgws  of  Strassburg  were  burnt  on  a woodon  structurG 
in  thG  cGmGtary.  But  first,  thG  old  city  council  who  wanted  to  protect  the  jews  — 
was  forced  to  resign. 

The  persecutions  of  the  jews  spread  from  town  to  town.  Hardly  any  of  the 
large  congregations  between  Cologne  & Basel  survived  these  terrible  times. 

These  terrible  persecutions  and  methods  one  cannot  blame  on  a latent  anti- 
semitism (in  author's  opinion),  as  Schwinekoerper  did,  and  certainly  not  the 
modern  racial  antisemitism  that  only  in  the  19th  & 20th  century  bore  it  s terrible 
fruit.  With  exactly  the  same  methods  other  social  minorities  were  persecuted, 
i.e.  the  Albigensians  in  France,  the  Hussites  in  Bohemia. 

The  inviolability  of  the  person,  especially  if  unbeliever  or  heretic,  meant 
nothing  in  medieval  values.  Just  as  little  to  such  a group.  Differences  in  speech, 
religion  and  customs,  but  also  jealousy  over  economic  success,  were  causes  of  this 
persecutions.  Also  tne  lesser  mortality  of  the  jews,  caused  by  their  more  moderate 

lifestyle  and  better  physicians,  was  used  against  them That  meant  for  the 

victims  (of  the  pest):  they  (the  jews)  did  not  succumb,  and  who  is  not  a victim 
must  be  a murderer 

In  the  following  period  the  toleration  or  non-toleration  of  jews  within  the 
cities  was  handled  very  differently.  Freiburg,  for  example,  within  200  years 
expelled  it's  jews  five  times,  every  time  'forever'. 

More  and  more  jews  settled  in  the  countryside,  exchanged  their  econimically 
certain  but  otherwise  dangerous  situation  for  a much  guieter  but  economically 
almost  impossible  life.  Upon  payments  of  higher  or  lesser  sums  of  money  they 
put  themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  local  ruler.  So,  Margrave  Karl 
(1553-1577,  previously  regent  of  the  upper  margraviate)  took  under  his 
protection  on  20  August  1544  the  jew  Schmol,  against  payment  of  80  gulden 
48  ells  velvet,  for  12  years  at  Weil/Rhine.  At  the  same  time  four  other  jews 


for  4,  resp.l2  , years  taken  in  protection  at  Salzburg. 

On  18  November  1533  the  squire  Adelberg  von  Baerenfels  took  under  his  protection 


• . — 1 * t ■%  It  1 . — J rr% 

J yw  JJdVXU  du  vjj.ciLXiau.li  wxuiiwwi^/  uww  w—  ^ — 

Already  1542  jews  were  mentioned  as  living  in  Schliengen,  that  then  was  part  of 
teh  bishoprice  Basel,  as  well  as  Steinenstadt , Haltingen,  later  also  at  Mauchen 


S.  Istein. 


7 


Margrave  Ernst  I (1535-1553),  the  father  of  the  above-named  Karl,  in  1556 
allowed  the  jews  in  Suizburg  to  build  their  own  cemetary. 

On  26  May  1570  the  margrave  permitted  the  jew  Jakob  from  Aach  with  wife,  his 
father  and  his  servants,  to  settle  at  Kandern  in  the  territory  of  Roetteln 
under  his  protection. 

The  development  after  Karl's  death  is  turbulant . So , under  his  successor,  Georg 
Friedrich  (1604-1622,  a more  and  more  strict  position  was  taken  against  the 
jews.  The  Landstaendige  Ausschuesse  (council  of  landholders,  petty  rulers-tr ) 


of  Sausenburg,  Roetteln  and  Badenweiler,  demanded  1582  at  Schloss  Roetteln 
' hereafter  no  longer  be  burdened  by  jews*.  In  his  political  testament  Georg 
Friedrich  wrote  17  Nov. 1615:  ...In  order  to  keep  our  religion...  we  have  sent 
away  all  the  jews  from  our  principality. . .and  demand  that  all  future  margraves 
do  not  eprmit  jews  to  live  in  our  Fuerstenthum  (principality-tr ) . 

So  the  jews  were  expelled  from  the  upper  and  in  1622  the  lower  margraviate. 
Foreign  jews  were  permitted  to  pass  thru  upon  the  purchase  of  expensive  'Geleit 
Briefe'  (passports-tr ) , however  strictly  forbidden  to  have  any  trade  or  other 
connection  with  the  subjects. 

In  the  period  of  the  Thirty  Years  War  a number  of  jews  settled  in  the  upper 
margraviate.  After  the  1648  peace  they  were  again  expelled,  but  upon  payment  of 
'Geleitgeld'  (passage  money-tr)  could  travel  thru  the  country.  Not  too  many 
used  this  opportunity. 

Under  Friedrich  VI  (1659-1677)  the  situation  of  the  jews  improved  markedly., 
he  no  longer  held  to  the  prohibition  of  his  grandfather.  The  last  years  of  his 
regime  and  almost  the  entire  reign  of  his  successor  Freidrich  Magnus  (1677-1709) 
were  troubled  times  due  to  the  french  warmongering,  under  which  the  jews  too 
fled  the  country.  Friedrich  Magnus  in  1697  wanted  to  re-enforce  this  status  in 
1697  with  a decree,  shortly  after  the  peace  at  Rijswick  1697,  that  no  jews  be 
permitted  to  settle  in  the  country  and  foreign  jews  not  be  permitted  passage 


for  trading. 

Economic  plight,  poor  saleability  of  cattle  and  farm  products,  the  complaints 
of  the  peasants  who  no  longer  had  cash  money  available,  did  not  permit  this  sole 
princely  decree  to  become  law.  'The  farmers  of  the  country  would  have  been  forced 
to  sell  outside  the  country  in  bordering  areas  and  would  ahve  had  to  assume 


higher  risks. 

Until  1709.  the  beainnina  of  the  reign  of  Karl  Wilhelm  (1709-1738)  no  jews 
were  settled  in  the  upper  part  of  Baden. 

Under  the  reign  of  Karl  Wilhem  his  liberal  thinking  particularly  affected  the 
laws  relating  to  jews.  On  4 May  1716  jews  could  settle  in  the  following  comnunes 
of  the  Oberland  as  'Schutzjuden'  (protected  jews-tr)  lEnmendingen  - 5 families. 


8 


in  Muellheim  - 4 families,  in  Salzburg  - 4 families  and  in  Loerrach  4 families. 

All  of  these  jews  were  from  Switzerland.  For  these  4 towns  1716  is  the  actual 
founding  date  of  their  Jewish  communities.  Altho  jews  have  been  mentioned  long 
^30fore,  especially  at  Muellheim,  in  documents.  The  225— year  old  uninterrupted 
history  begins  for  them  too  this  4 May  1716. 

They  were  all  friends  or  relatives  of  the  Judenschultheiss  (jew  mayor,  official— tr) 
Joseph  Guenzburger,  who  in  the  austrian  Breisach  sat  as  'Oberherr  (a  sort  of 
soverign,  ruler-tr)  for  the  jews  of  the  Markgraeflerland,  and  who  was  responsible 
for  the  prompt  payment  of  the  Schutzgeld  (protection  money-tr)  to  the 
margrave . 


The  Founding  - 1736  - 1802 

P.19  The  Markgraeflerland  and  adjoining  areas  on  a french  map  ca.l720. 

I'^^ter  the  Jewry  of  Domeck,  where  they  have  sat  guietly  for  80  years,  are  as 
pgj-  the  received  decree  of  9 January, reguired  to  leave  with  wife  and  child, 
also  with  their  goods  from  our  land,  have  with  hereby  presented  reasons  against 
this  respectfully  to  look  upon  the  Jewry  with  mercy  for  the  9 Jewish  households 

in  Domach  to  be  expelled (The  old  german  is  very  diff  icult-tr ) . 

With  this  citation  begins  the  history  of  the  Jewish  community  of  Kirchen.  The 
Jewish  community  of  Domeck— Dorf /Cant  on  Solothurn, . .who  lived  here  since  80  years. . . 
had  since  1830  difficulties  with  their  ruler,  the  council  of  the  Canton  Solothurn, 
or  more  specifically  the  Landvogt  (bailiff-tr)  von  Domach-Thierstein.  Even  tho 
on  22  March  1730  Leible  Bloch  received  permission  from  the  Domach  council  to 
buy  a house,  this  permission  was  withdrawn  already  four  weeks  later,  and  the 
prohibition  against  the  acquisition  of  real  property  extended  to  all  Jews. 

Under  threat  of  a fine  of  10  pounds  the  cantonal  comcil  decided  also  not  ot 
permit  any  more  Jews  into  Domach. 

"On  9 January  1736  the  complaints  against  the  Jews  were  documented  the  the  vogt 
thereupon  ordered  'to  expel  them  with  bag  & baggage'".  This  decision  was 
ratified  10  Febmary  1736  and  Michaeli  (Michaelmas-???-tr)  set  as  the  final 
date  that  same  year. 

The  expelled  families  largely  onigrated  to  nearby  Alsace,  primarily  to 
the  towns  Hegenheim  & Buschweiler,  the  other  part  crossed  the  Rhine  into  the 
Baden-Durlach  Oberamt  Roetteln  (D.D.  upper  adm. office  Roetteln-tr ) to  the 
towns  Loerrach  & Kirchen. 

rm.  J — -* J in  T tllG  10WXS1t. 

X AAA  W w*-  ^ — — — - 

coimtunity  in  1940  by  teh  frequently  occurring  name  Domacher. 

The  200  year  history  of  the  Jewish  community  at  Kirchen  begins  with  the 
emigration  of  Jewish  families  fron  Domach,  the  history  of  not  always 


9 


exemplary  but  generally  peaceful  coexistance  with  the  Jewish  minority  that 
at  times  made  up  20%  of  the  total  population. 

The  first  jew  documented  at  Kirchen  is  Hirz  (Herz)  Bloch.  A document  dated 
6 November  1747  & signed  by  Margrave  Karl  Friedrich  of  Baden  ( Judenschutzbried- 
letter  of  protection-tr ) is  issued  in  the  name  of  the  jew  Hirz  Bloch.  It  states; 

that  we  take  into  our  further  protection  the  jew  Hirz  Bloch  who  has  been 

so  as  of  31  March  1736,  at  Kirchen  in  our  territory  of  Roetteln,  and  shall 

further  continue  in  such  protection etc  (rough  translation-tr ) . 

So  it  follows  that  Hirz  Bloch  was  settled  at  Kirchen  before  31  March  1736. 

Not  much  can  be  said  about  his  person  (8.0).  He  died  1753  and  had  a son  July 
Bloch  (12.0). 

As  Schmidt  elaborates,  in  the  oldest  extant  population  register  of  Kirchen, 

1810,  is  stated  that  Hirz  Bloch  came  from  Domach  in  Canton  Solothurn.  Further 
Schmidt  refers  to  the  ' Leutrum ' sehe  Handschrift'  (L. handwritten  document-tr) 
of  1731  where  a.o.  is  stated:  ...In  these  territories  luck  wills  that  only  a 
few  Jewish  families  live  here  - Loerrach  - 3,  Thumbringen  - 2,  & Kirchen  - 4. 

Leutrum  names  these  four  families: here  are  four  families,  4 brothers  of 

the  Bloch  family".  The  name  Bloch  is  among  those  expelled  from  Domach.  Also  a 
certain  tradition  in  naming  (preference  of  given  names  Salomon  & Leibl-Leopold ) 
in  Domach  as  well  as  in  Kirchen  leads  to  the  possible  descent  of  the  Kirchen 
Blochs  from  Domach. 

Schmidt's  assertion  raises  scane  questions in  view  of  all  circumstances 

1736  could  be  the  first  date  of  Jewish  settlement  at  Kirchen 

The  date  of  the  first  Schutzbrief,  31  March  1736,  raises  puzzles.  The  Jewish 
fcimilies  were  only  asked  to  leave  Domach  10  Febr.1736  and  had  time  to  do 
so  well  into  summer.  The  not  exactly  Judophile  position  of  the  Landvogt  v. 

Leutrum,  aind  the  less  than  quich  bureaucracy  at  karlsmhe  appear  to  suggest 
that  Hirz  Bloch  imnigrated  to  Kirchen  before  10  Febr.1736. 

Soon  the  Jews  of  the  Oberamt  Roetteln,  both  from  Loerrach  & Kirchen,  participated 
in  the  hcanage  paid  to  guardian  Karl  August  set  for  15  August  1738,  that  was  at 
first  planned  on  the  Kalten  Herberge  (Cold  Refuge-tr;  an  inn???)  but  because 
of  limited  room  was  transferred  to  Loerrach.  All  subjects  over  14  years  of  age 
were  required  to  attend,  altogether  7,133  persons  swore  allegiance  at  Loerrach. 

Each  siibject  then  received  a measure  of  wine  & a half  pound  of  bread.  Frexn 
later  times  the  swearing  of  allegiance  (Huldigung)  of  the  Jews  of  Loerrach 
& Kirchen  is  documented.  This  took  place  in  a festive  manner  in  the  synagogue 
with  the  participation  of  the  Rabbi. 

This  second  to  last  wave  of  founding  of  Jewish  cenmunities  after  their  destructions 
in  the  middle  ages  is  however  not  specific  to  the  Baden  Oberland. 


10 


In  neighboring  Alsace  a number  of  alrger  congregations  were  founded  about 
the  same  time  (Tr.note:  Community  is  the  general  settlemen,  congregation 
is  used  for  the  specific  such  entity,  altho  the  two  meanings  overlap); 

Sierenz,  Niederhagenthal,  & Hueningen.  Before  this  the  large  congregations  of 
Hegenheim  (founding  of  cemetary  1673)  7 Blotzheim  prior  to  1660.  In  Basel, 
the  seat  of  the  Fuerstbischoff  (Prince  Bishop-tr),  a Jewish  burial  place  was 
founded  1572  at  Zwingen. 

P.21  Judenschutzbrief  of  Lazarus  Braunschweig 
In  addition  to  the  named  places  in  Alsace  and  Switzerland  as  well  as  the  settlement 
in  Loerrach,  Tumr ingen  & Kirchen,  Fischingen  (no  names  given)  and  later  for  a 
short  time  Maerkt  must  be  listed  as  Judenschutzplatz  (j .protecting  towns-tr). 

The  tiem  when  the  jews  came  to  Kirchen  happened  to  fall  into  a decade  in  which 
the  anti-jewish  laws  were  once  again  made  stricter.  Reasons  for  this  may  be  the 
large  numbers  of  jews  who  settled  in  the  upper  and  lower  margraviate.  So  1729 
notice  was  given  that  who  does  not  pay  his  Schutzgeld  (protection  money-tr)  on 
the  due  date  will  immediately  lose  his  protection  and  must  leave  the  country. 

1735  the  maximum  interest  was  set  at  5%  in  1735.  For  every  jew  coming  from  foreign 
countries  to  settle  in  the  margraviate  the  following  conditions  must  be  met; 

He  must  prove  ownership  of  at  least  800  fl.  and  pay  his  Schutzgeld  in  advance, 
semiannually,  in  cities  - 40  fl.,  in  villages  - 25  fl.  On  13  Febr.1747  all  Schutz- 
briefe were  recalled.  If  a new  one  was  to  be  issued  application  must  be 
made  within  a month  and  a fee  paid  of  3 fl.  as  tax  and  another  3 fl.for  the 
'Stempel'  (stamp-tr).  Applications  were  frequently  required  to  decalred  that 
they  will  not  apply  for  protection  for  any  of  their  children  living  in  the  land. 

In  spite  of  this  the  Jewish  community  at  Kirchen  grew: 

1738  9 persons  (3  men,l  widow,  5 hired  men  (Knechte) 

1749  29  persons  1750  30  persons 

1751  30  " 1757  33 

1785  8 Jewish  households  were  said  to  be  counted. 

Public  opinion  vs.  the  jews  was  tense  in  the  Oberland.  In  neighboring  Loerrach 
the  Schutz Jude  Nathan  Braunschweig  came  into  conflict  with  the  Basel  authorities 
in  1722.  Landvogt  v. Leutrum  reports:  A few  years  ago  a Schutzjud  Nathan  Braunschweig 
called  'Satan  Braunschweig'  by  the  peasants,  gave  a poor  example  of  the  hoped  for 
conversion  of  the  jews  (no  religous,  but  civil-tr).  He  and  another  jew  at  Basel 
nrantir-P  a gndipRs?  nranlc.  when  he  learned  that  a market  wanan  carried  a box 
with  jewels  and  preciosa  valued  at  1,000  fl.with  her  for  sale,  these  two  jews 
apoke  to  her  under  the  impression  of  wanting  to  buy  them.  The  one  stranger  jew 
was  a Portugese  who  deals  in  such  goods. 

However  they  had  a tin  box  made  of  the  same  kind  etc.  as  that  of  the  wcxnan. 


11 


and  pa lying  around  with  thG  two  boxGS  and  thG  contents  of  the  one  from  her 
hand  like  cut-purses  and  gave  her  the  false  one  containing  only  junk  and 
other  false  goods,  fled  to  France,  but  were  sought  after  and  caught,  had 
lengthy  court  process  & imprisonment  which  caused  the  local  administration 
considerable  difficulty. 

The  documents  of  the  Oberamt  report  on  this  affair;  Since  Nathan  B.  was  seen 
in  the  Krone  (inn)  in  Klein-Hueningen  with  a strange  jew  he  was  suspected  of 
teh  deed.  The  Basel  magistrate  requested  the  extradition  of  the  jew  to  the 
Oberamt  Roetteln  so  he  could  be  interrogated  and  confronted  by  other  at  Basel. 

On  2. July  1722  Nathan  B.  requests  the  margrave  to  have  him  questioned  at  Loerrach 
since  according  to  a guard  at  the  Riehener  Tor  at  Basel  nothing  good  awaited  him. 
Now  follows  a sometimes  contradictory  correspondence  between  the  Oberamt,  the 
the  margrave's  office  and  the  Council  at  Basel.  B.  travelled  to  Karlsruhe  in 
this  matter  hilself  but  never  was  seen  again.  Wife  and  children  also  suddenly 
disappeared  from  Loerrach.  For  it's  seeming  lack  of  supervision  the  Oberamt  on 
15  October  1722  drew  a reprimand  from  Karlsruhe.  Basel,  after  the  non-appearance 
of  B.  at  the  set  date  of  27  June  1722  decided  that  the  entire  jewry  of  Loerrach 
be  responsible  for  the  loss,  and  forbade  the  jews  to  enter  Basel.  But  since  in 
teh  meantime  a new  market  was  opened  at  Hueningen  the  Basler  saw  themselves  dis- 
advanteged  in  their  businesses  and  demanded  the  cancellation  of  the  ban.  Besides 
a lot  of  innocent  jews  were  affected  thereby.  At  the  same  time  the  victim,  thru 
untiring  detective  work,  managed  to  locate  Nathan  and  the  Portugese  at  Strassburg, 
and  to  have  them  arrested  December  1723.  Their  property  was  confiscated,  and  in 
their  apartment  was  found  the  little  box  containing  the  jewels.  Switzerland 
requested  extradition  from  France.  After  lengthy  diplomatic  negotiations  - the 
Braianschweigs  meanwhile  had  become  french  subjects  and  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  court  at  Colmar  - both  were  sent  to  Basel  6 May  1724.  'Nathan  was  taken  to 
the  Eselturm  (donkey  tower-tr)  and  Lazarus  to  the  Baerenhaut  (bear  skin-tr).' 

Both  denied  having  done  the  'Filoustreich'  (villainous  prank-tr),  so  they  were 
tortured  to  secure  a confession.  Now  the  relatives  of  the  two  jews  declared 
themselves  prepared  to  pay  for  the  damage  that  amounted  to  3,000  fl.  for  the 
jewels  and  3,600  fl.  for  the  court. 

On  19  July  1724  the  judicial  faculty  of  the  small  Basel  council  issued  an  opinion 
that  is  typical  of  the  jurisprudence  of  the  time  and  therefor  given: 

After  reviewing  the  results  of  the  inquisition  and  examination  of  the  two  jews 
accused  of  two  villainous  & thieving  pranks,  one  at  Jakob  Werenfels  and  the 
other  by  the  market  wcxnan  Barbara  Bleichin,  and  found  guilty. 

As  to  the  extent  of  the  punishment  it  is  our  opinion  that  the  two  thieves 

cannot  be  puniched  with  their  lives  and  for  the  following  reasons: 


12 


1)  According  to  Roman  law  th©  thieves  can't  be  punished  with  execution/  the 


thieves  will  in  addition  to  the  infamy  (?)  pay  back  the  two-to  four-fold  value 


of  the  stolen  goods.  2)  Also  according  to  mosaic  law  does  not  call  for  lif©/ 
but  the  2 -5  fold  repayment  of  the  stolen  goods  value/  which  demands  that  the 
Christian  judge  be  no  harsher.  3)  If  criminal  penalties  are  to  be  suited  to  the 
on-line  and  there  is  no  comparison  between  a theft  and  the  blood  of  a human/  since 


temporal  goods  are  replaceable/  but  life  cannot  be  restored. 

In  any  case  the  matter  is  to  be  decided  according  to  the  new  imperial  laws  of 
Friedrich  I and  the  carolingian  'Halsgerichtsordnxang'  (?  court  practive-tr ) 


and  the  general  wordly  practice  based  thereon. 

According  to  this  the  two  have  forfeited  their  lives  because;  1)  the  thefts 
exceed  a value  of  2 —3/000  fl.  which  calls  for  death  even  in  the  first  instance. 
2)  Their  portion  fo  the  stolen  goods  is  immatrial  for  the  verdict.  The  crime 
is  so  much  worse  because  it  was  a theft  repeated  at  different  times.  The  Hals- 
ordnung'  (neck  rule-tr)  demands  that  by  the  rendition  of  the  verdict  the  person 
and  position  of  the  thieve  be  considered/  but  the  reputation  of  the  inguisitors 
is  not  the  best.  But  since  the  thieves  did  not  use  force  or  broke  in  at  night 
one  can  ameliorate  the  strictness  of  the  law  as  far  as  the  general  public  good 


did  not  demand  an  example. 

Normally  both  had  earned  rope  & gallows / but  since  they  agreed  to  repay  for 
or  return  the  stolen  goods / which  makes  good  for  the  damages  of  the  victims/ 
so  they  are  not  puniched  by  execution  but  are  sentenced  to  permanent  expulsion 
from  the  country/  with  or  without  caning  as  punishment  as  seen  fit. 

T^orofor  on  5 August  1724  the  council  decided  as  follows:  " The  jews  Lazarus 
and  Nathan  Braunschweiger  are  to  led  out  of  the  city  with  raised  canes  and  perma- 


nently banned  from  city  and  country. 

This  affair  blew  up  much  dust/  naturally/  and  the  memory  remained  with  the 
populace  for  a long  time.  About  90  years  later  J.P. Hebei  wrote  it  up  among 
his  calender  tales,  List  gegen  List  (trick  vs.trick-tr ) . There  he  says  a.o.: 

A wellknown  goldsmith  had  sold  two  well  dressed  persons  valuable  jewelry  worth 
about  3,000  taler  for  teh  coronation  in  Hungary.  They  then  paid  1,000  taler  cash, 
put  all  they  had  chosen  in  a little  box  and  sealed  it,  and  gave  it  to  the 
goldsmith  as  security  for  the  still  unpaid  sum,  or  at  least  that's  what  the 
goldsmith  thought,  that  it  was  the  same.  "In  14  days"  they  said,  "we'll  bring 


All  was  put  into  writing, 
day  went  by,  another  four 


weeks  pass.  Nobody  wants  the  little  box.  Finally  the  goldsmith  said:  Why  should 


I guard  your  property  at  my  risk  and  have  the  capital  tied  up  to  boot? 


13 


So  hG  wantGd  to  open  thG  box  in  tliG  prGscncG  of  an  official  and  deposit  the 
already  paid  1,000  taler.  But  when  it  was  opened, "dear , good  goldsmith"  said 
the  actuary,  "you've  been  taken  by  these  two  rogues".  For  instead  of  jewelry 
and  gold  the  box  contained  pebbles  and  lead.  The  two  merchants  were  rogues, 
bohemian  jews,  put  the  true  box  on  the  side  quietly  and  gave  back  to  the  gold- 
smith the  other  that  looked  alike. "Goldsmith"  said  the  actuary,  "here  good 
advise  is  expensive.  You're  an  unlucky  man." 


In  Kirchen  the  population  fought  with  all  available  means  against  the  immigration 
of  more  jews  because  with  three  of  those  seeking  residence  they  had  less  than  good 

experience. 

We  will  often  be  able  to  view  in  futinre  the  immigration  of  alsation  jews  since 
their  situation  was  not  the  best.  The  applications  of  alsation  jews  were  often 
supported  by  french  officers  and  officials  with  whom  Landvogt  von  Wallbrunn 
had  good  relations  ca.l760. 

So  in  January  1760  Salomon  Ullmann  from  Duermenach  sought  protected  acceptance 
at  Kirchen.  He  had  been  involved  in  a lawsuit  about  an  inheritance  and  was 
accused  of  having  bribed  the  witnesses  to  give  false  testimony  at  Colmar.  He 
was  afraid  that  he  would  be  persecuted  because  of  this  and. .. 'possible  taken  by 
the  head  for  this  is  what  generally  happens  to  jews  in  Alsace  when  they  are 
persecuted.'  He  had  a letter  of  commendation  from  Commandant  d'Arimont  of 
Gross— Hueningen  and  was  — but  only  after  a second  application  — accepted  as 
Schutzjude  at  Kirchen  on  23  May  1761.  But  he  did  not  prove  himself  worthy  of 
this  kindness,  for  in  a few  years  he  returned  to  Duermenach  with  his  wife, 

]_0aving  behind  many  debts  — he  was  in  arrears  with  the  Schutzgeld  too.  On  20 
September  1765  the  town  council  of  Kirchen  reported:  Salcanon  Ullmann  had  promised 
all  the  best  when  he  was  taken  into  'Schutz'.  But  since  then  he  has  behaved  himself 
so  that  the  whole  coinmanity  complains  about  him.  Many  had  given  him  fruit,  oil, 
wood,  etc.  on  promises  but  never  received  a kreutzer  therefor.  Also  he  owes  his 
j-0j^t  even  tho  he  had  already  ruined  the  house  enough.  Since  'Georgi  he  s been 
away  and  so  was  his  wife,  and  they  left  the  children  behind.  The  Kirchener  were 
thus  heavily  burdened  because  the  people  were  afraid  that  they  could  cause  a 


terrible  accident  with  fire. 

Shortly  thereafter,  1762,  Isaak  Haenlein  )Haenle)  from  Opfingen  sought  a protected 
place  in  the  Oberland.  However  the  example  of  Salomon  Ullmann  suffices.  In  a 


report  of  the  town  office  of  20  Sept. 1762  is  declared:"  The  entire  citizenry 

have  cried  terribly Originally  only  2 Schutz juden  were  in  Kirchen,  now 

there  are  40.  They're  poor  as  beggars  and  cause  great  harm  to  the  community. 
They'll  talk  the  peasauits  out  of  wood,  fruits  and  all  else  but  not  pay  therefor. 


14 


One  might  spare  the  town  more  jews".  Isak  Haenly  was  not  accepted. 

1766  a third  settlement  application  was  made.  It  is  therefor  no  wonder  that 
the  people  of  the  Oberamt  were  suspicious  of  jews  of  the  Ullmann  family. 


This  was  felt  by  Nathan  Ullmann  of  Duermenach,  a cousin  of  Salomon,  when  he 
and  his  brother  Meier  wanted  to  settle  in  Kirchen.  I 1762  during  an  argument 
with  a Christian  he  hit  his  opponent  in  the  chest  and  knocked  him  ot  the  ground. 
Five  days  later  the  Christian  died. 

In  Hirsingen  the  Amtmann  (local  magistrate— tr ) Hell,  who  was  evilly  disposed 
towards  jews  in  general.  He  caused  no  little  commotion  in  the  entire  Alsace 
when  he  passed  out  forged  receipts  to  jew 's  debtors  by  bunches  and  therefor 
ruined  hundreds  of  jewish  families.  This  Amtmann  had  the  corpse  of  the  Christian 
opponent  autopsied,  whereby  the  doctor  was  said  to  have  found  a blood  clot  that 
caused  the  man's  death.  Nathan  Ullmann  had  to  flee.  He  was  sentenced  to  death, 
and  in  his  place  his  picture  was  set  up  on  the  Duermenach  gallows. 

From  Hagenthal  he  requested  protection  from  the  margravian  administration  to 
be  taken  into  Schutzaufnahme'  in  Kirchen  until  the  king  of  France  would  pardon 


him.  And  this  appeal  too  was  supported  by  Commandant  d'Arimont,  since  Ullmann 
had  worked  for  him  often  & well.  But  the  Hof rat  (court  councillor— tr)  denied 


the  application  of  Ullmann  since  there  was  an  extradition  treaty  concerning 
deserters  & malefactors  between  Baden  & France,  and  if  one  took  him  in  troubles 


with  France  would  arise.  In  addition  all  the  jews  of  the  Oberamt  had  protested 
against  the  acceptance  of  Nathan  & Meier  Ullmann  since  a warrant  was  outstanding 
against  them,  the  were  criminals  & owned  nothing. 

Meanwhile  Nathan  & Meier  were  not  sitting  still  in  their  temporary  refuge. 

Together  with  Bertold  Vogt  & Nathan  Aaron  (probably  from  Buchsweiler)  they 
visited  the  swiss  fairs  since  1767  and  carried  on  a sizable  trade  in  linen,  cloth, 
silks,  gold  & silver  trimmings,  that  brought  them  good  earnings.  Surprisingly 
the  extradition  treaty  with  France  was  no  longer  a problem  when  1769  Nathan 
Ullman  applied  for  Schutzaufnahme  in  Loerrach.  He  offered  50  fl. protection  money 
and  10  new  Louis  d'Or  for  goods  bought  in  Pforzheim.  Nevertheless  the  following  year 
he  declared  himself  ready  to  travel  to  Pforzheim  and  buy  as  many  goods  as  was 
suitable  to  him.  The  Oberamt  1769  supported  his  application,  recited  his  circum- 
stances, and  particularly  mentioned  that  he  was  married  but  ahd  no  children.  He 
planned  to  open  a store  in  Loerrach  with  his  goods,  but  look  to  foreign  parts 


LWL.  UliC  lUClJWi.  w 


/-  1.  J 

wx.  1 1 .lb  ^ 


_ 4 M M r>r%T.T 


M/->  in  1-V>o  OVvanami" 


carries  the  goods  that  the  subjects  up  to  now  had  to  buy  in  Basel,  so  that  the 
money  went  out  of  the  country.  The  settlement  can't  hurt  the  country.  Because 
most  all  the  local  jews  trade  mostly  with  cattle,  and  less  with  sugar  & coffee. 


15 


but  NAthan  Ullmann  carries  entirely  different  gcx)ds  and  therefor  not  damaging 
anyone;  also  we  have  no  qualms  with  his  Schutzaufnahme  to  respectfully  apply 
for  the  granting  of  the  application."  Added  to  the  petition  were  supporting 
letters  from  the  firm  Fuerstenberger  & Sons  and  the  merchants  guild  of  Yverdon. 
Nor  did  the  Rentkammer  (finance  office-tr)  hav  any  objection  to  Ullmann 's 
acceptance  , if  he  only  opened  a shop  with  the  concerned  goods,  but  otherwise 


seek  his  earnings  out  of  the  country. 

Therefor  on  13  Nov.  1769  Ullmann  received  the  'Schutz'  at  Loerrach,  a7  75  fl. 
protection  money  plus  10  new  Louis  d'or  for  not  not  having  to  buy  Pforzheim 
goods. 

The  economic  position  of  the  jews  of  Kirchen,  judging  by  the  above,  was  very 
poor.  "Nothandel",  this  word  that  ghosts  thru  all  lists,  documents  and  orders, 
that  somehow  concern  the  occupational  & finacial  situation  of  the  jews,  is  a highly 
succint  therefor  (tr.  is  almost  impossible  in  sensible  manner-tr-see  further). 
Ruerup  defines  it  as  follows:  With  "Nothandel'  one  can  define  a commerce  that 
is  carried  out  without  adequate  capital  & proper  business  orginasation,  i.e. 
lacking  any  other  means  of  earning  a meager  livelihood. 

Because  of  the  constant  expulsion  from  towns  it  was  impossible  for  jews  to 
invest  earned  capital,  if  it  was  even  permitted  by  then  current  laws.  A statistic 
of  1800  for  the  Oberamt  Roetteln  list  the  jews  among  the  poorer  of  the  margraviate. 
The  per-head  capital  (Vermoegen  - total  ownership-tr ) in  Roetteln  was  149.16  fl., 
while  at  Durlach  it  was  770.63,  at  Karlsruhe  - 753.81,  Badenweiler  - 243.14  fl, 
Pforzheim  214.56,  at  Hochberg  - 165.03  fl.  The  jews  of  Rastatt,  Ettlingen,  and  a 
few  other  Aemter  (district-tr)  were  poorer  still.  Their  per-head  capital  was  110.- 


fl.  resp.64.15. 

Other  than  in  the  cities  the  jewish  population  of  the  countryside  remained  poor 
and  had  difficulty  earning  the  barest  living  after  the  punctually  payable  Schutzgeld. 
In  Kirchen  they  traded  mainly  in  wines  & grains,  left  cattle  to  fatten  in  meadows 
or  left  it  with  fanners  (for  feed  farmer  kept  milk  & manure-tr).  That  under  the 
oppressive  circumstances  they  used  any  means  of  earning  thier  livelihood  is  dis- 
regarded even  today  in  the  'moral'  estimation  of  their  means  of  earning  their 
livings.  If  jews  wanted  to  buy  real  estate,  i.e.  houses  or  land,  the  following 
order  pertained  in  the  margraviate:  In  re  the  purchase  of  houses  by  jews  it  was 
decided  in  more  recent  times,  that  in  both  parts  of  the  ocuntry  where  jews  live, 
they  may  buy  houses  without  requiring  special  dispensation.  Except  for  the  general 
liability  pertaining  to  all  houses  (taxes-tr)  they  are  limited  in  certain  ways: 

1.  That  such  houses  with  any  side  may  not  be  opposite  any  side  of  a church,  and 
not  be  nearer  to  the  plaza  surrounding  the  church  200  feet  counting  from  the 


nearest  side  of  the  church 


16 


1 


A Clear  example  of  this  generally  poor  economic  situation  worsened  for  the 
jews  by  means  of  special  rules  and  laws  is  the  letter  of  Lazarus  Braunschweig 
of  Loerrach,  pamas,  dated  23  May  1765,  in  which  he  writes  to  the  margrave  in  the 
name  of  all  jews  living  in  Oberamt  Roetteln,  and  in  which  he  requests  recission 
of  the  rule  requiring  all  contracts  between  & Christians  to  be  signed  by  two 
honest  Christian  men  and  the  head  of  the  village  or  toen.  The  old  rule  had 
made  all  commerce  impossible  for  jews.  In  order  to  bypass  this  expensive  and 
time-consuming  law  peasants  would  prefer  to  sell  to  foreign  jews  or  would  go  to 
Basel  to  the  market.  This  law  damages  the  country  more  than  it  helps.  Of  the 
same  opinion  were  the  heads  of  communities  of  Loerrach,  Oetlingen,  Efringen, 
Tuellingen,  Weil,  Brombach,  Wollbach  & Kirchen. 

Already  on  13  July  1765  the  reply  came  from  Durlach.  A change  was  decreed  for  the 
Oberaemter  Roetteln,  Badenweiler  & Hochberg,  as  it  said,  due  to  ' particular 
princely  leniency'.  In  ordinary  trade  now  a single  honest  Christian,  who  had  no 
debts  to  a jew,  was  to  brought  in  as  witness,  chosen  by  the  Christian  party  to 
the  trade.  All  other  business  with  foreign  jews,  and  with  all  principal  and 
final  accountings,  also  promissory  notes  and  property  transfers  between  Christian 
and  jews,  will  continue  with  the  orignal  law. 

In  addition  to  this  complicated  method  of  doing  business,  a new  duty  applied  to 
new  jewish  settlers  in  the  Oberland,  in  that  they  had  to  buy  from  the  orphanage- 
factory  at  Pforzheim  at  least  200  fl.  woolen  goods.  The  jews  had  to  resell  the 
expensive  goods  in  foreign  countries  in  order  to  retain  the  local  market  within 
the  country. 

A misfotune  was  the  conversion  to  Catholicism  of  the  jew  David  Guenzburger,  who 
had  been  so  successful  in  representing  the  interests  of  the  jews  in  the  Oberland, 
in  1753,  and  a new  revision  of  this  question  was  necessary.  Because  of  the  growing 
number  of  jews  in  the  Oberland  for  Unterschultheisse  ( sub-mayors-tr ) were 
appointed  , one  each  for  the  margraviate  Hochberg,  the  city  of  Sulzburg, 
the  domain  Badenweiler,  and  the  land-graviate  Sausenburg  with  domain  Roetteln. 
Lazarus  Braunschweig  became  'mayor'  of  the  jews  of  Roetteln.  As  'Obershcultheiss ' 
functioned  the  court  factor  Salomon  Meyer  at  Karlsn:ihe,  who  often  had  to  speak 
for  the  jews  of  Loerrach. 

Difficulties  also  arose  with  the  butchers  due  to  'schaechten'  (ritual  slaughter-tr ) 
particularly  since  the  butcher's  guild  law  of  1755  ordered  that  in  future  butchers 
were  to  slaughter  the  cattle  and  sell  the  meat  to  the  jews. 

Par.i/  or  tne  bcnuczoriere  serrxea  trie  meat,  auppxy  Tux  jcwiah  raiuxixco. 

jew  could  slaughter  for  his  household  as  much  meat  as  he  needed,  beeves,  calves 

& sheep.  What  he  was  not  allowed  to  use  because  of  jewish  law  he  could  sell  by 

the  quarter  or  the  pound,  but  not  at  usury  and  without  damaging  butchers. 


17 


In  the  30 's  of  the  18th  century  the  jews  and  butchers  agreed that  the  jews 
were  allowed  to  annually  slaughter  25  pieces  of  cattle,  ritually.  The  new 
butcher  order  called  for  the  butcher  to  slaughter  the  cattle  and  sell  the  meat 
to  the  jews,  however.  Therefor  the  butchers  wanted 'neither  the  cattle  needed  in 
our  households  , nor  the  accorded  25  beeves  to  be  butchered....'.  Since  the  jews 
saw  themselves  damaged  by  this  reduction  of  a given  right  they  on  11  January  1757 
requested  protection  and  were  supported  in  their  demand  by  the  Oberamt. 


A Hofratsdekret  (court  councillor's  decree-tr)  of  9 March  1757  ordered  that 

when  the  jews  and  butchers  can't  agree  the  Ober amt  is  to  order  'according  to 

proportion  of  the  jewry  for  their  household  use  a certain  quantity  that  they 

may  themselves  slaughter,  but  must  take  care  that  they  may  not  eat  of  the 

ritually  slaughtered  cattle,  except  when  at  a place  designated  pviblicly  the 

same  is  reviewed  by  non-partisan  inspectors  for  quality  and  true  value,  to  be 

sold  at  the  legal  price,  in  order  to  prevent  all  trickery  and  the  forbidden  peddling. 

(The  above  is  a single  sentence  in  older  german  - I think  I got  it  right  - tr). 


How  the  decision  of  the  Oberamt  worked  out  we  don't  know.  However  it  was  not 
enough  to  prevent  new  difficulties  that  arose  1763  and  had  to  be  adjusted  as 
follows.  It  had  to  contain  the  seed  for  more  arguments  because  again  the  increase 
of  jewish  families  was  disregarded. 

21  January  1764  Landvogt  von  Wallbrun  of  the  Oberamt  issued  the  following  decree: 
After  the  agreement  of  19  January  1764  between  the  heads  of  the  butchers  guild 
of  the  local  Oberamt  on  one  part,  and  the  jewry  of  Loerrach  and  Kirchen  on  the 
other,  concerning  the  slaughtering  permitted  the  jews  of  cattle  needed  for  their 
year's  needs  the  following  is  ordered: 

1.  That  the  Kirchener  as  well  as  the  Loerracher  jews  according  to  their  needs, 
and  for  each  holiday  the  Loerrach  jews  may  slaughter  2 'Schmahl'  (?-tr)  cattle 
and  the  Kirchener,  one,  but  the  butchers  of  each  place  to  be  sold  the  hindquarter 
of  such  cattle,  or  the  whole  if  same  proved  not  kosher,  at  2 rappen  per  pound,  or 
if  they  won't  take  it  the  jews  may  sell  it  themselves. 

2.  If  the  jews  need  meat  for  other  than  holidays  they  are  to  advise  the  butchers 

in  order  that  they  obtain  kosher  meat  and  offer  it  to  the  jewry  at  the  regular  price. 
In  case  they  will  not  procure  it,  the  jewry  totally  - not  each  household  - may 
obtain  the  necessary  cattle  and  slaughter  it  themselves. 

3.  Between  Christmas  & Easter  the  jews  are  to  be  provided  salted  meat  for  the 


yedL  äu  oiiey  LTcUi  XU  xii  uuti^xx  xd&iixuuf  uue  xxn:£xxau:iiex 


12  cattle  r but  under  the  same  condition  that  the  butchers  are  required  to  buy 
the  un-kosher  meat  as  well  as  the  hind  quarters. 


4.  In  order  not  to  overload  the  citizenry  with  meat  such  excess  meat  shall  be 


18 


distributed  in  the  communities/villages  Kirchen,  Friedlingen,  Ef ringen  and 
Eime Idingen. 

Where  did  the  38  - 40  jews  who  1760  - 1780  lived  their  uncomfortable  lives 
in  Kirchen?  From  Blotzheim  in  Alsace  2 persons  immigrated,  from  Domach  /Ct. 
Solothurn  6,  from  Duermenach/Alsace  1,  Emmendingen  3,  Harburg/Alsace  1,  Loerrach 
4,  Muellheim  1,  Molsheim/Als . 1,  Maerkt  2,  Niedersept/Als . 3 , Opf ingen/Freiburg  1, 
Seb/Als.  l,Sierenz/Als.l,  and  from  Wolfzem/Als.  2 persons. 

As  mentioned  above  1735/1736  the  brothers  Bloch  came  from  Domach,  Ct  .Solothurn, 
Switzerland.  1749  the  Loerracher  Lazarus  Braunschweig  asked  for  the  gracious 
protective  acceptence  of  his  brother  Jacob  to  Kirchen.  1753  Moses  Samuel  from 
Wolfzen/Strassburg,  1756  Schmul  frcxn  the  same  place  sought  acceptance  at  Kirchen. 
1760  followed  the  already  named  Samuel  Ullmann,  1766  Samuel  Ruf  of  Blotzheim, 

1780  a Schlummel  Bloch,  merchant  from  Seb/Als.  Up  to  & incl.1820  by  marriage  or 
immigration  for  economic  reasons  were  added  jews  from  primarily  Baden  communities, 
from  Emmendingen,  Loerrach,  Muellheim,  Maerkt  & Opfingen. 

What  is  apparent  in  this  list  is  the  concentration  of  the  home  towns  of  the 
immigrants  from  Alsace,  but  also  for  the  period  great  distance  and  distribution. 
Did  the  various  jurisdiction  in  Alsace  have  stricter  jew  laws?  The  large  distri- 
bution of  the  emigration  towns  can  be  fairly  simply  explained  by  the  almost 
universal  jew  law  in  which  only  the  first-bom  child  had  the  opportiinity  to  be 
accepted  in  the  Schutz  of  his  birthplace.  Those  following  often  had  to  wander  for 
a long  time. 

This  colorfully  mixed  collection  of  people  probably  organized  itself  into  a 
congregation  guite  soon.  According  to  Zehnter  the  Kirchen  jews  built  a synagogue 
already  1766.  This  is  questionable  for  many  reasons.  Numerically  the  congregation 
was  too  small  to  even  need  a room  exclusively  for  worship,  and  finacially  they 
could  never  have  managed  the  cost  of  a synagogue  building.  I also  question 
Schmidt's  assertion,  who  thinks  that  this  date  hides  the  new  construction  of  a 
Betsaal  (prayer  room-tr).  For  this  the  congregation  lacked  the  money.  Also, 
Minyan  by  ca.40  pop.  was  hardly  likely,  this  means  7-8  families,  without  help 
from  outside. 

The  jews  of  Kirchen  held  their  worship  in  the  house  of  the  Schutz jude  July  Bloch 
until  Easter  1789.  Only  after  this  date  can  one  speak  of  a building  similar  to 
a synagogue.  It  was  set  up  in  an  already  existing  house  and  served  the  congre- 
i-in  nn4--ii  <-Vio  now  r'ons't- mr"-*- i nn  fn  hhp  npw  svnaaocTue  1831  for  worhsio. 


P.28.  In  this  house  (Fr.Rottra  Str.31)  was  porbably  the  first  Betsaal. 
To  conceptualize  a jewish  congregation  (or  community-tr)  is  very  difficult. 

Ancient  talmudic  conepts  mix  with  legal  & religous  & organizationalviews  of 


19 


of  the  Christian  surroundings.  S.Taeiabler-Stem  defines  as  follows:  The  Jewish 
congregation  cooperatively  unified/  solidary/  autonomous  body/  that  totally 
administers  it's  financial/  social/  police  and  legal  affairs  freely  and 
independently.  Seen  socially  it  is  a corporate  organization/  constitutionally 


democratic/  socially  an  oligarchy.  Constitutionally  the  congregation  carries 
out  all  functions/  each  taxed  member  has  the  right  to  elect  officials  & head  of 
the  congregation  (Pamas-tr).  Just  as  the  congregaiton  can  be  said  to  be  demo- 
cratic it  can  be  called  oligarchic.  Certain  groups  within  the  congregation/  the 
rich/  well  known-  and  -regarded/  etc.  hold  the  most  important  offices. 

Until  deep  into  the  18th  century  the  autonomy  of  the  Jewish  congregation  was 
untouched.  Only  the  absolutist  state  curtailed  these  rights  since  all  power  comes 
from  the  state.  It  mixes  into  the  congregation's  affairs.  It  settles  or  clears 
all  arguments/  organizes  the  finances/  orders  the  congregation  & business  books 
to  be  written  in  german. 

" Since  the  beginning  of  the  18th  century  Baden-Durlach  had  a unterlaendische. . . . 
and  oberlaendische  Land Judenschaft  (country  Jewry-tr)  comprising  the  Oberamt 


Emmendingen/  Herrschaften  Badenweiler  & Roetteln/  and  the  landgraviate  Sausen- 
burg  At  it's  head  stood  a Oberschultheisss  (Over  Mayor-tr)/  Oberlandrabbiner 

and  three  lawyers  to  care  for  all  congregational  affairs»  for  the  settlement 
of  all  disputes  and  for  representation  of  the  Jewry  vis-a-vis  the  state.  At  it's 
side  were  the  deputies,  generally  elected  every  three  years,  representing  the 
three  classes  - the  rich,  middle  and  poor  - who  at  these  gatherings  set  the  tax 
rate,  hwo  they  were  to  be  disposed  of,  and  the  election  of  officials. 

The  Jewish  congregation  of  Kirchen  from  it's  beginning  was  under  the  rabbinate  of 
Sulzburg.  To  this  belonged  the  Oberland  congregations  von  Emmendingen  to 
Saeckingen,  in  our  region  Sulzburg,  Muellheim,  Loerrach  & Kirchen.  The  actual 
founder  of  the  rabbinate  Sulzburg  is  the  afore-mentioned  Joseph  Guenzburger, 


Handelsmann  & Judenvogt  (trader  and  Jews  govemor-tr)  of  Alt-Breisach.  On  14 
May  1720  he  wrote  to  the  margrave  that  the  Jews  of  the  Herrschaft  Hochberg  and 
Badenweiler  owuld  for  a long  time  already  like  to  have  a rabbi  for  the  instruction 
of  the  teachings  and  laws  of  Judaism  as  well  as  the  settling  of  disputes.  At 
the  same  time  he  recommended  a candidate:  David  Kahn  of  Alt-Breisach.  1727  he 


became  rabbi  of  Sulzburg  and  remained  until  his  death  in  1744.  Isak  Kahn,  his  son 
followed  in  office  1744  and  later  was  given  the  title  of  'Landrabbiner.  He 
died  1797  at  a great  age.  In  the  same  year  Abraham  Weil,  grandson  of  the  famous 


Oberlandrabbiner  Nathanael  Weil,  was  chosen  rabbi  at  Sulzburg  and  held  this  office 
until  his  death  1831. 

For  the  sake  of  completeness  we  should  mention  the  last  rabbi  at  Sulzburg, 

Emmanuel  Dreifuss.  After  him  the  rabbinate  Sulzburg  was  transferred  to  the  newly 


20 


founded  rabbinate  Freiburg.  (List  of  rabbis  responsible  for  Kirchen- 
see Anhang  # 21. 

The  position  fo  a rabbi  before  the  constituional  edicts  was  that  of  a totally 
independent  judge  in  all  concerns  of  the  congregations,  with  the  exception  of 
the  serious  crimes  (murder,  manslaughter).  Often  he  was  the  only  one  who  could 
write  german,  and  was  constantly  petitioner  & correspondent  for  the  congregation. 
Highly  respected  in  the  Jewish  congregations,  on  an  equal  level  with  Christian 
clergy  since  1809  under  the  grand-ducal  daministration,  the  rabbi  had  as  singualr 
position  among  the  jews  of  that  period. 

During  this  time,  the  founding  of  the  Jewish  congregation  of  Kirchen,  in  1771 
the  margraviates  of  Baden-Durlach  & Baden-Baden  combined.  Mew  economic  ideas  & 
knowledge  came  from  France:  The  economics  of  the  Physiocrats.  Margrave  Karl 
Friedrich  (1728-1811)  was  an  enthusiastic  supporter,  discontinued  the  current 
economics  policies  of  closed  borders  for  the  import  of  goods  and  the  one-sided 
advantage  to  manufacturers.  If  according  to  the  teachings  of  the  physiocrats 
trade  destroyed  character,  it  was  not  the  fault  of  the  trader  but  of  the  trade. 

If  only  the  contact  with  the  earth  made  one  natural  & free,  one  therefor  had  to 
fill  mankind  with  the  blessings  of  the  earth  that  were  the  furthest  removed  from 
nature. 

P.  30-left:  Margrave  Karl-Friedrich  (1728-1811) 
right:  Johann  Georg  Schlosser  (1739-1799) 

1775  Goethe's  brother-in-law,  the  Oberamtmann  at  Emmendingen,  Johann  Georg 

Schlosser,  undertakes  a venture  that  all  of  Germany  sought  to  duplicate.  He  sat 

down  with  the  heads  of  the  Jewish  congregations  of  his  Oberamt  and  the  teachers 

of  the  Christian  schools  in  order  to  organize  instruction  in  the  elementary 

subjects  reading,  writing  & arithmetic  for  Jewish  children. 

In  a report  of  12  Sept. 1776  he  wrote  to  Karlsruhe:  The  german  reading  and 

writing  schools  has  such  good  results  for  the  Jews  that  on  visits  I am  amazed 

to  see  how  in  so  very  few  months  they've  advanced  so  far  in  spelling  & reading 

as  well  as  writing  as  the  Christian  children  couldn't  after  several  years. 

Of  course  the  model-character  of  this  school  experiments  remained  Just  that 

much  too  long.  Even  as  the  'Teutsche  Judenschule'  (german  Jews  school- tr)  by 

law  became  one  required  to  be  attended  by  all  required  to  attend  elementary 

school,  the  country  comnunities  were  slow  to  respond.  These  schools  instructed 

, , . ^ , 


only  Doys  to  tne  utn  year,  oirrs  weie  nuu  nsquxi.t:>-i  l-u  auudiu  xj.  uncjr 

were  good  at  sewing  and  knitting. 

Alongside  these  economic  and  school-political  improvements  in  1781  a book 
caused  attention  that  strangely  enough  was  again  written  by  an  official,  the 


21 


Prussian  Kriegsrat  (war  councillor-tr)  S,  archivist  Wilhelm  Dohm."  About 
the  civic  improvement  of  the  jews".  Dohm, a close  friend  of  the  philosopher 
Moses  Mendelsohn  (1729-1786)  in  his  book  referred  to  the  degrading  position 
of  the  jews  that  had  only  one  reason,  i.e.  that  they  were  jews.  As  precondition 
for  the  demanded  emancipation  Dohm  saw  the  change  on  part  of  state  Sc  society. 

Only  a year  later,  18  October  1781  the  Tolerance  Edict  of  the  austrian 
Joseph  II  removed  all  repressing  jews  laws  of  the  past  in  the  austrian  areas 
of  the  later  country  Baden.  However  a court  decree  of  2 March  1786  required 
that  poor  jews  whose  estate  didn't  reach  the  minimum  of  100  gulden,  were  as 
possible  urged  to  emigrate. 

With  the  above  exceptions  jews  were  free  to  live  where  they  pleased,  could 
send  their  children  to  already  existing  public  schools  or  their  own  jewish 
schools,  and  had  the  opportunity  to  learn  the  trade  of  their  choice.  These  new 
political,  spiritual  and  not  least  the  new  economic  ideas  made  a deep  impression 
on  the  very  liberal  thinking  Margrave  Karl  Friedrich  of  Baden.  Already  on  Febr.l, 
1782  he  asked  his  court  council  a report  on  the  new  austrian  laws  in  the  neigh- 
borhood  what  Sc  how  of  the  new  austrian  laws  is  applicable  to  the  jewish 

inhabitants  of  our  country ... and  how  jews  can  be  urged  to  learn  trades,  and  how 
their  nourishment  can  be  improved  without  disadvantage  to  the  rest  of  the  people  . 
The  reports  from  the  various  districts  tended  generally  towards  a more  liberal 
position  versus  the  jewr.  Typical  is  the  repoT*:  <~f  the  economist  Sonn'".rg  of 
Loerrach.  He  der^caded  equal  rights  .or  the  lews  as  the  chriLtiars  have  since  the 
latter  here  and  there  als-'  are  impoverished,  particularly  'because  they  can't 
grasp  the  lifestyle  to  which  they  are  suited.' 

Shortly  thereafter  serfdom  was  abolished  in  Baden,  1783,  but  which  did  not 
concern  the  jews  since  they  were  never  serfs  due  to  their  particular  status  as 
' Schutz juden ' . 

The  decree  of  Jan. 20, 1804  also  did  away  the  'Leibzoll'  (customs  duty  for  jews-tr) 
as  well  as  that  applicable  to  deaths.  1798  the  church  authorities  were  asked  if 
they  could  accept  jews  in  general  schools.  The  reply  was  positive,  but  had  a few 
restrictions  that  are  worth  mentioning: .. .Jews  shall  be  seated  sererately  in 
the  schoolrooms  because  they  rarely  observe  the  cleanliness  customary  among 
Christians  and  still  firther  because  they  rarely  can  do  away  or  hide  their  ideo- 
syncratic  smell Early  1801  the  Bad.  Hof rat  Philipp  Holzmann  wrote  a report 

. • t » • I- ^ J j.  J — 

Ull  UUfcS  i(Rrcai&  / Xli  11J.O  s-»x.  J'-- * *. 

ment  of  the  jews  in  the  lands  of  Baden".  Holzmann 's  report  breathes  the  spirit 
of  the  french  revolution  and  follows  in  large  part  the  publication  of  his  friend 
Dohm.  he  analyses  the  current  laws  as  a conglamaration  of  superstition  and  igno- 


rance. 


22 


Holzmann  continues:  One  has  viewed  the  jews  as  a people  dammed  and  depraved, 
held  them  under  terrible  pressures  and  acted  injustly  towards  them.... It  is  not 
the  state's  affair  what  the  jews  religious  beliefs  are,  if  only  they  do  their 
duty  as  citizens,  and  if  they  do  that  the  state  has  the  best  means  in  it's  hands" 
These  demands  of  Holzmann  for  the  future  show,  viewed  from  today,  exactly  the 
way  followed  by  the  jewry  of  Baden  to  1862.  It  was  to  take  over  a half  century 
until  Holzmann 's  proposals  would  become  reality.  The  time  was  not  ripe  1801 
for  these  plans.  They  went  the  way  of  uncomfortable  advice,  into  archives. 


ADVANCEMENT  (1803  - 1864) 

P.32  - Margraviate  Baden  - 1800 
Grand  Duchy  Baden  - 1815 

"That  the  jews  since  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  that  is,  since  more  than 
1700  years,  live  on  the  whole  earth  in  dispersal  with  no  fatherland  or  civil 
rights,  that  most  of  them  without  doing  any  useful  work  have  to  support  them- 
selves from  the  inhabitants  of  a country,  and  that  in  many  places  are  treated  as 
foreigners,  maltreated  and  persecuted,  is  know  to  God  & sorrow.  Many  in  ignorance 
say  'One  should  chase  them  from  the  country'.  Another  says  sensibly  ' one 
should  make  working  and  useful  people  of  them  and  then  keep  them' . This  beginning 
was  made  by  the  great  emperor  Napoleon. . . and  in  1806. . . he  had  written  to  the 
entire  jewry  in  France  that  they  should  send  him  of  their  midst  sensible  and 

learned  men Therefor  he  formed  the  jewish  meeting  ...the  Great  Sanhedrin.. 

that  was  translated  a meeting  and  in  olden  times  was  called  the  great  council 


at  Jerusalem. . . " 

Hebei's  view  of  history  of  the  legal  solution  of  the  jewish  emancipation 
desires,  exem^glified  with  the  fall  of  the  great  emperor  Napoleon,  is  similarly 
the  echo  of  the  strong  changes  in  jewish  laws  in  Baden. 

Baden,  that  as  already  mentioned,  came  into  existence  by  Napoleon's  grace 
and  the  cleverness  of  the  Paris  envoy  Sigmund  Karl  Johann,  Freiherr  von 
Reizenstein  (1766  - 1847,  with  it's  borders  intact  until  1952,  by  means  of  the 
melding  of  the  most  different  districts,  was  basically  forced  to  a new  jew 
policy  by  three  factors: 

P.33  S.K.J. , Freiherr  von  Reizenstein,  1766  - 1847 
N.F. Brauer,  1754  - 1813 

The  Development  of  Population  - 1771  - 1809. 

In  the  margraviates  united  1771  lived  1790  2,iöb  jews  or  a pop. or  io^^,u7o. 


jews  = 1.3%  of  pop. 

In  Electorate  Baden  - 1803  - 6,500  jews,  450,000  pop.  = 1.44% 


Grand  Duchy  Baden  - 1806  - 12,000  jews,  902,498  pop.  = 1.33% 


23 


Th0  Jewish  population  grew  over  5-fold  by  1806  compared  to  1790,  the  total 
population  increased  just  a bit  less.  The  problems  resulting  from  these  deve- 
lopments con  no  longer  be  managed  with  the  laws  of  an  absolutist  state. 

In  addition  to  the  impact  of  these  numbers  one  may  not  forget  the  actual 
contribution  to  the  new  laws,  the  9 constitutional  edicts,  made  by  Baden.  In 


the  drawers  and  archives  of  the  grand-ducal  offices  were  the  propxDsals,  memos, 
and  reports  for  the  improvement  of  the  jews  in  Baden.  Much  what  had  been  done 
by  these  officials  and  court  councillors  still  had  validity  in  1806,  one  think 


only  of  Holzmann 's  report. 

Tbe  efforts  of  three  men  must  be  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  9 constitu- 
tional edicts  in  Baden.  They  were  mainly  written  by  Nikolaus  Friedrich  Brauer 
(1754-1813),  Geheimer  Rat  & adaptor  of  the  Code  Napoleon  for  Baden.  His  two 
associates  were  Karl  Wilhelm  Freiherr  von  Biberstein  (1763—1817),  actual  secret 
councillor  and  head  of  the  police  1806-1808,  since  1809  minister  of  State  and 
then  interior  minister,  and  the  already  mentioned  Freiherr  von  Reizenstein. 

Tb0y  gave  the  Grand  Duke  a basic  law  that  had  no  egual  in  german  countries. 

The  third  factor  is  taken  fron  Hebei's  report  of  the  Great  Sanhedrin  in  Paris. 

1806  a meeting  was  held  of  Jewish  notables  followed  1807  by  the  Great  Sanhedrin 
reported  by  Hebei.  1808  Napoleon's  jew  decrees  followed. 

This  napoleonic  decree  gave  impetus  to  the  legal  reforms  already  in  concept. 

Of  the  individual  edicts; 

The  first  edict  of  14  May  1807  brought  the  Jewish  confession  'constitutional 
toleration'.  Whereas  in  1803  the  three  (3)  Christian  confessions  were  declared 
equal  to  one  another  and  accepted  constitutionally  in  this  first  edict,  the  actual 
eqaulity  between  the  Christian  churches  and  the  Jewish  religion  was  not  yet  fact. 
Rabbis  as  other  clergy  were  seen  as  government  employees  in  the  performance  of 
their  duties  (circumcision,  marriage,  burial). 

The  sixth  edict  of  4 June  1808  brought  further  improvement  for  Baden's  Jews. 

They  were  declared  full  citizens  who  passed  that  right  to  their  heirs. With  this 
their  relationship  versus  the  state  was  set.  However  in  their  communities 


(towns,  villages)  they  were  still  Schutzbuerger  and  had  no  right  to  common 
land  nor  the  right  to  vote  in  communal  elections.  In  exceptional  cases  the  Grand 
duke  could  grant  them  local  citizenship.  But  strangers  became  people  who  had  a 
right  to  live  in  their  coirinunity  without  restriction.  Freedom  of  movement  in 
the  present  manner  did  not  exist  for  non-Jews  either. 


T ^ I 


j.  1 •»■Vio  1 awe  r-orra  1 nrr  -l-Vio  i I"  1 nn  nF  FtlP 


i.  ^ 


Jews,  which  were  variously  interpreted.  They  required  an  exact  direction  for 
their  application. 

These  rules  of  application  re  the  previous  edicts  on  13  January  1809  brought 


24 


about  the  9th  constitutional  edict,  the  socalled  'jews  edict',  that  was  largely 
composed  by  Geheimrat  Brauer. 

In  the  introduction  of  the  edict  the  civic  equality  of  the  jews  is  expressed 
...to  go  into  effectwhen  in  political  and  moral  culture  they  seek  to  equal 
that  of  the  Christians. . .so  that  civic  equality  shall  not  be  disadvantagous 
to  the  other  citizens!. 

In  all  these  edicts  & laws  is  the  spirit  of  'Bevormundung'  (having  one's  mind 
made  up  for  one-tr),  the  'corrections-spirit ' as  Diibrow  calls  it.  Equal 
treatment  & equality  of  jews  was  often  lost  in  a bulge  of  special  rules.  Jews 
were  to  become  Christians,  that  is  the  simplified  tenor  of  these  laws. 

But  were  not  these  constituional  edicts  the  hope  of  all  Germany's  jews,  didn't 
the  jews  of  the  other  german  states  view  the  attainments  of  the  jews  of  Baden 
with  a certain  envy,  and  weren't  the  Baden  jews  heartily  grateful  for  these 
achievements? 

Certainly  one  can  agree  with  Dubrow's  verdict;  it  wasn't  a perfect  law  that 
once  and  for  all  removed  all  the  disadvantages  of  the  jews  and  brought  eqaulity. 

But  also  the  jewish  community  of  Kirchen  will  have  fully  agreed  with  these  edicts 
since  they  saw  their  friends  and  relatives  in  the  Basel  region  live  in  conside- 
rably less  freedom. 

Because  of  the  constant  wars  of  the  time  the  jews  of  the  Oberland  were  less 
aff©cted  by  these  modern  jew  laws  right  off.  This  was  also  due  to  the  spiritual 
head  fo  the  jews  in  Salzburg,  the  unwordly  & spiritual  Rabbi  Abraham  Weil,  who 
did  nothing  for  the  jews  in  his  care  towards  teaching  them  the  basis  and  spirit 
S.  comprehension  of  their  new  rights,  not  to  awaken  them  to  their  new  duties. 

He  was  primarily  concerned  that  his  sheep  follow  the  religous  laws  strictly, 
which  at  the  time  was  a matter  of  course  of  the  then  jewry.  Only  in  1814  he 
circularized  the  leaders  of  his  flock  to  prepare  the  preconditions  for  the 
effectiveness  of  the  new  edicts,  as  if  these  people  really  had  the  ability 
to  work  towards  the  new  needs  of  their  people.  It  would  have  been  appropriate 
for  him  to  intensively  visit  his  congregations  and  to  expound  the  new  spirit. 

How  unwordly  for  thet  time  and  unequal  for  his  position  is  shown  by  two  circulars 
that  I enclose  below,  of  which  the  second  was  answered  wisely  by  Nathan  Reutlinger . 
"The  equality  of  the  jews  -re. 4 August  1814 
To  the  Pamas  Nathan  Reutlinger  in  Loerrach  & Kirchen! 


1,  J ^ 


Dy  uiie  itixxu/  xwvAiiy 

prince  of  our  land,  who  ordered  the  full  equality  of  the  israelites  with  the 
other  subjects  in  all  civic  & political  matters  expressed  in  Gov't. paper  of 
1809  # 6,  we  must  meet  the  need  to  overcome  the  changes  and  un-permitted  civil 


25 


affairs  and  must  overcome  the  lowered  customs  and  morals  of  our  co-religionists 
and  raise  them  in  order  to  follow  the  new  directions  as  per  highest  wish. 

It  is  therefor  the  absolute  requirement  that  the  heads  of  the  isr .congregations 
keep  a watchful  eye  out  on  his  subjects  and  to  ensure  by  all  proper  means  that 
propriety  & morality  shall  exist  among  thean. 

The  first  guide  thereto  is  the  holy  religion.  This  is  the  source  of  trust  & 
devotion,  the  support  of  the  state,  and  with  it's  mild  hand  leads  to  morality, 
propriety  & justice  - and  finally  the  source  of  happiness. 

The  parnas  will  from  time  to  time  remind  the  religion  teacher  that  they  teach 
and  advise  their  students  in  their  duties.  One  will  in  time  issue  instruction 
to  the  pamas. 

Meanwhile  the  same  is  requested  to  within  3 weeks  reply  to  the  following  questions: 

a)  What  is  the  c\irrent  moral  situation  in  your  district? 

b)  What  means  have  been  employed  to  date  to  raise  same? 

c)  if  one  has  taken  care  to  advise  of  the  highest  purpose  and  explained,  that  in 
order  to  be  worthy  of  the  great  good  will,  that  one  as  soon  as  possible 
give  up  the  'Nothandel'  and  in  it's  place  place  seek  an  occupation  similar 

to  that  of  the  other  citizens  means  of  support? 

The  pamas  will  easily  see  the  importance  of  this  and  what  attention  thereto 
is  required  in  order  to  follow  the  highest  will. 

Sulzburg,  4 August  1814.  /s/  Provincial  Rabbi  Abraham  Weyl." 

P.  36  Thias  Weil,  Oberland  Rabbiner  in  Karlsruhe  ( 1721  - 1805) 

"Dancing  on  Sabbaths  & Holidays.  4 June  1819. 

High  Priester ly  Director ium! 

Resp.plea  of  the  Oberrhein.Prov. rabbi  Abraham  Weil  at  Sulzburg,  the  abolition 
of  dancing  on  sabbath,  festivals  & holidays  at  the  isr. local  congregations 
Breisach,  Hesingen,  Eichstetten,  Enmer.dingen,  Sulzburg,  Muellheim,  Loerrach 
& Kirchen. 

When  in  1798  the  gracious  government  of  our  land  appointed  me  Landesrabbiner 
I have  like  my  father  the  Oberlandesrabbiner  Thias  Weyl  in  Karlsruhe,  forbidden 
the  named  isr.congregaitons  the  dancing  on  the  sabbath-,  festival-  and  holidays, 
and  for  the  following  reasons: 

1)  Our  mosaic  laws  forbids  dcincing  on  such  days. 

2)  It  is  generally  and  too  well  known  that  this  sort  of  dancing  has  no  other 
purpose  than  a get-to-gether  of  pleasiire  seekers,  in  order  to  create  mischief 
dxia  ixnmuLctxxi^y  wiixmi  uci.uaj.iixy  iiu  ouauc 

3)  Likewise  I am  convinced,  and  it  is  proven,  that  jewish  youth,  among  than 
many  poor  who  barely  earn  a gulden  a week  by  their  Nothandel,  wasta  a great 
deal  of  money.  I ask  now,  where  do  tehse  poor  people  get  their  money?  Certain 
and  in  no  other  way,  either  they  steal  it  from  their  poor  parents  or  obtain  it 


26 


in  some  other  unjust  manner. 

4)  It  is  proven  that  these  holiday  dances  are  even  damaging  to  the  Christian 
inhabitants,  because  our  holidays  usually  fall  on  the  Christian  workdays. 

Now  if  the  Christian  youth  hears  of  a dance  in  town  they  let  their  work  in 
the  fields  go  and  run  to  the  dance,  lose  money  & don't  work.  Therefor  double 
damage  evolves  that  often  causes  conflict  in  the  Christian  families. 

For  these  reasons  have  I forbidden  this  dancing  to  Jewish  youth.  One  followed 
my  orders  for  a time  until  the  sad  waryears  arrived,  which  damaged  people  not 
only  physically  but  in  their  soul.  Since  these  time  isr. youth  denies  obedience. 

I requested  Bezirksaemter  (local  authorities-tr ) to  refuse  to  issue  dance-permits 
but  in  this  too  I was  deceived.  One  also  hears  that  the  youth  is  now  more 
enlightened  than  in  former  times.  Wish  to  G'd  it  were  so,  then  they  would 
keep  to  their  rleigion  more  punctiliously.  Just  the  Enlightenment  bids  us  to 
honor  the  religion  because  it  asks  for  nothing  that  isn't  good  and  asks:  To 
serve  the  prince  and  fatherland  with  love,  loyalty  & devotion. 

It  is  therefor  self-evident  that  each  disregard  of  the  religion  is  damaging 
to  the  state. 

I therefor  plead  that  my  arguments  kindly  be  regarded  and  respectfully  ask  that 
they  be  ordered  into  force  that  on  holidays  no  permits  for  dances  be  issued,  and 

that  those  who  still  dare  to  dance  be  puniched  corporally 

Sulzburg,  4 June  1819,  loyally,  Abraham  Weyl,  Porv. Rabbi. 

The  grand-ducal  Bezirksamt  agreed  with  the  concern  for  the  morals  of  the  youth 
but  on  the  other  hand  noted  that  since  forever  the  Sundays  & holidays  were  an 
occasion  of  pleasure  and  merriment  to  the  Christians,  and  that  therefor  a most 
proper  dance  should  be  permitted  for  the  single  people. 

The  Loerrach  Pamas  declared  hereto  that  in  his  view  the  provincial  rabbi  had 
more  important  things  to  concern  him. . .At  least  I believe  that  the  25  fl.  that 
are  paid  him  by  the  local  Jewish  congregation  annually,  arebetter  applied  to: 

1 ) to  see  that  youth  is  educated  and  raised  in  religion 

2)  to  see  that  the  congregation  has  a good  teacher, 

3)  that  at  least  several  times  a yecir  the  synagogue  rules  are  revued  and  that 
sermons  are  held  to  instruct  the  congregation  in  proper  morals  so  that  everyone 
will  know  what  is  right  & wrong  according  to  mosaic  law,  what  one  should  and 
shouldn't  do. 

. T, v-aKK-i  Viac  nr>4-  r’r>nr>omoH  'himcol'F  With  thPRP 


matters.  We  need  on  occassion  at  great  expense  to  seek  advise  from  a rabbi  in 
the  neighboring  Alsace.  For  this  reason  we  must  ccanplain  and  remind  him  to 
his  duty  so  that  we  don't  have  to  pay  the  25  fl.  for  nothing. 


27 


Following  the  9th  constitutional  edict  the  jews  in  Kirchen  as  elsewhere  in 
Baden,  the  state  now  concerned  itself  with  the  up  to  now  quite  sovereign 
community  life.  So  the  jews  were  required  to  have  the  proper  entries  made  in 
the  registries  immediately,  as  per  art. XXX  of  the  edict. 

"The  jew-mayor  ( Juden-Schulz ) is  to  be  advised  to  be  sure  that  fo  each  marriage, 
birth  & death  proper  notice  is  given"  is  in  a report  of  the  Bezirksamt  Loerrach 
of  1 Febr.1816.  in  the  same  report  that  tells  of  the  local  occurrances  for  the 
past  year,  continues;  "The  jews  in  Kirchen  apparently  are  in  a very  backward 
situation.  The  Amt  has  to  observe  this  particularly,  with  particular  attention 
to  the  keeping  of  the  civil  register  be  followed  strictly  according  to  proper 
order  and  form,  particualrly  however  that  the  work-able  young  male  jewish 
citizens  not  be  admitted  to  Nothandel,  but  are  directed  to  learning  a trade. 

In  order  to  reach  this  charitable  purpose  one  must  proceed  strictly  against  the 
parents  or  guardians  of  such  you  jewish  males  who  are  capable  of  learning  a trade 
and  not  to  permit  exception  other  than  the  most  critical  reasons  from  the 
general  rule. 

How  did  the  jewish  congregation  of  Kirchen  appear  in  these  years  of  internal  and 
external  change? 

1803  there  were  48-50  members,  1810  there  were  60.  It  was  a young  congregation. 

1803  more  than  70%  of  the  jews  then  were  under  30  year  of  age.  1810  it  was  still 

58%  under  30.  A slight  excess  of  men  - 1803  - 56.8%,  1810  - 52  % is  noted. 

P.39  Contract  for  sale  of  a calf  between  buyer  Johann  Georg  Wettlin  of 
Ef ringen  and  Jesaias  Bloch  of  Kirchen  as  seller. 

(tr.note:  body  of  contract  is  german  script,  signature  of  J. Bloch 
in  cursive  hebrew) 

The  occupational  structure  of  the  jews  of  Kirchen  at  this  time  is  generally 
the  same  as  mentioned  in  the  previous  chapter.  A noticeable  improvement  is 
shown  nevertheless  in  the  change  to  cattle  dealing  (Viehandel).  The  income 
of  the  cattle  dealers  of  this  time  cannot  of  course  be  compared  with  those  of 
before  and  after  the  World  War  (I)  which  was  much  hihger.  The  econcmic  and  also 
the  socially  more  stable  positions  improve  in  the  listing  of  the  second  generation 
of  the  local  jews.  While  primarily  in  the  first  generation  of  jews  is  the  Nothandel, 
judged  by  the  year  after  coming  under  'Schutz'  cattle  dealing  takes  the  place 
of  the  former  more  and  more. 

This  development  shows  an  improvement  in  the  economic  health  of  the  jewish  Land- 
aemeinde,  but  is  still  far  from  the  dCTiands  of  the  constitutional  edict,  accor- 
ding to  which  jews  were  to  work  'at  a means  of  support  available  to  Christians.' 

The  relative  late  dates  of  the  Schutzaufnahme  (taking  in  Schutz-tr)  1816  & 
later  show  how  difficult  was  the  occupational  change.  The  local  citizenship 
within  the  hcxne-comniunity  was  dependant  on  the  applicants  occupation  as  per 


28 


Art. 18,  19,  & 20  of  the  9th  const. edict. 

1810  it  came  to  a novum  in  the  Jewish  community  in  Kirchen:  Jewish  tradesmen/ 
artisans  came  to  Kirchen  for  occupational  reasons. 

Moses  Seligman  (182.0)  and  Samuel  Moses  (147.0)were  cobblers,  Moses  Levy  was 
mechanic  (124.0),  Bernhard  Lieber les  (130.0)  turner,  Samuel  Lieber les  (129.0) 
weaver  and  Jew  inn  keeper,  Samuel  Bloch  (45.0)  butcher,  Sigmund  Weil  (189.0) 
soapmaker.  Of  course  it  should  be  mentioned  that  most  of  these  mentioned  here 
were  only  born  about  the  turn  of  the  last  century.  Schmidt  notes:...  the  main 
occupation  fo  the  local  Jews  is  almost  exclusievely  trading  and  the  trades  of 
mechanic  & cobbler ... doen  for  a while...  finds  the  plain  declaration  in  the  already 
noted  const. edict  paragraphs  and  their  very  accurate  implementation  by  the 
Oberaemter.  The  Oberrat  in  Karlsruhe  adds:  The  efforts  of  the  administration 
to  integrate  the  Jews  into  the  cluristian  population  occupationally  & socially, 
i.e.  to  make  artisans  & peasants  of  them,  bore  fruit  slowly. 

By  the  reports  of  the  visitations  of  the  Jewish  congregations  of  Baden  one  can 
directly  Judge  the  great  economic  plight  of  the  Jews.  "Their  ancestors  cannot 
have  stood  poorer  before  the  brick  kilns  in  Egypt  as  this  ruined  people  in  their 
miseerable  huts...  their  hunger  and  nakedness  forces  them  to  do  what  the  Talmud 
permits  them:  the  old  and  the  sick  were  abandoned  by  their  families  due  to 
pover ty . . . one  can  certainly  assume  that  seven  eights  of  the  Land's  Jewry  lives 
off  Nothandel  in  the  true  spirit  (i.e.Not=  need-tr),  half  from  dealing  in  small 
animals  and  peddling,  and  half  fron  begging,  that  with  the  greater  requirements 
and  vigilance  on  part  of  the  citiznery  and  peasantry  the  Jew  was  no  longer  in  the 
position  over  than  as  50  years  past. 

A particularly  serious  crime  in  March  1816  in  Kirchen  belongs  in  the  context 
of  the  Just  described  social  difficulties  of  the  Landjuden  of  Baden. 

Report  of  the  Oberhofgericht  (High  Court-tr)  Mannheim  of  23  Nov. 1816. 

The  36-year  old  Hirz  Bloch  of  Kirchen  im  Oberland,  son  of  the  there  jews 
innkeeper  (called  Bannduttel)  who  previously  went  to  small  crimes  because  of  his 
excesses  & lazyness,  decided  on  21  March  this  year  to  murder  the  travelling 
merchant  Baruch  Kahn  from  Bissingen  in  Wurtemberg,  who  ahd  stopped  at  the  inn, 
and  to  rob  him.  On  the  following  morning  he  went  with  him  on  the  Landstrasse 
(highway-tr)  towards  Basel,  hit  him  from  behing  with  the  murder  weapon,  a thick 
stick  taken  for  the  purpose,  twice  heavily  on  the  head  so  that  the  stick  broke, 
hit  Baruch  with  the  remain  some  more  and  then  with  a knife  taken  from  a pocket 
mistreated  him  some  more  until  ha  apparently  lay  dead  on  the  ground,  cut  off  the 
moneybelt  & fled  therewith.  The  dying  man  was  found  and  vaily  treated  and  died 

on  the  third  day  covered  with  35  wounds  that  were  found  because  of  their 


29 


severity  to  be  either  debilitating  or  lethal.  His  Royal  Highness  the  Grand 
Duke  has  confirmed  the  verdict  of  the  Obergericht,  whereby  the  admitted 
Streetrobber  and  murderer  is  to  be  beheaded,  and  because  of  the  gruesomeness 
of  the  crime  the  head  be  stuck  upon  a post.  This  death  verdict  was  carried  out 


at  Loerrach  the  15th  of  the  month. 

In  the  civil  registry  of  the  jews  of  24  March  1816  is  entered:  Baruch  Kahn. 

He  was  from  Bissingen  and  died  as  a result  of  a cruel  misstreatment , was 
autopsied  26  March  1816  and  taken  to  IxDerrach  for  burial.  The  deceased  was  53. 
Witnesses:  Herz  Block-Mock,  Shulz,  and  Marx  Braunschweig-Wolf . 

E. Kaiser  reports  in  his  autobiography  that  the  last  person  executed  in  Oberamt 
Roetteln  had  been  a jew  from  Kirchen. 

In  the  history  of  the  jewish  congregation  fo  Kirchen  this,  however,  re- 
mained the  first  and  last  serious  crime  that  I came  across  in  my  research. 

The  immigration  tnedency  remains  1820  - 1847  as  already  described.  The  immigration 
from  Switzerland  ebbs  totally,  whereas  that  fron  Alsace  continued  and  that  from 
jewish  congregation  in  Baden  grows.  So  above  all  from  Maerkt,  Kippenheim, Rust, 
Emmendingen,  Schmieheim,  Adelsheim,  Breisach  & Eichstetten.  Those  from  Alsace 
are  from  Hegenheim,  Hagenthal,  Duermenach,  etc.  Amont  the  30  reviewed  immigrants 
in  thsi  time  period  19  came  to  Kirchen  to  marry,  63  %.  Only  11  come  to  Kirchen 
b ecause  they  see  better  opportunity  for  trading  or  earnings  or  other  family 
reason, i.e.  came  with  families.  69%  of  the  immigrants  are  under  30. 


Another  result  of  the  9th  const. edict  was  the  requirement  that  jewish  children 
are  now  required  to  attend  the  local  schools  for  jewish  children  where  they  learn 
reading,  writing,  arithmetic, morality  and  write  compositions. . .also  Geography, 
history  where  that  is  taught.  But  in  judaism  there  was  always  instruction.  In  the 
5th  Book  of  Moses  6.6-7says:  " And  these  words,  that  I give  you  today,  shall  be 
written  in  your  heart,  and  shall  teach  them  to  your  children,  and  you  shall 
speak  of  them  when  you  sit  in  your  house  and  when  you  walk  on  the  road,  when 
you  lie  down  and  when  you  arise" . 

Already  in  earliest  youth  began  the  instruction  of  boys  & girls  who  first  of  all 
had  to  learn  the  written  teachings  (Thora  & Talmud),  by  the  latter  (i.e. girls) 
at  least  enough  so  that  they  could  read  hebrew  prayers  and  the  womens  books 
printed  in  hebrew  letters  in  yiddish  (or  judeo-german?  -tr.note) 

Reliqous  education  was  first  in  parents  hands,  then  to  a young  man,  often  a 


rabbinical  student,  who  was  hired  by  the  congrgegation  or  a few  families. 


Bochur,  or  the  congregational  rabbi  himself  taught. 

The  general  & widespread  aversion  against  attendance  of  the  Christian  schools 
was  not  so  much  against  the  learning  to  be  gottem  there  as  against  the  spirit 


31 

©vangGlic  parsons  officG  and  protsstsd;  'that  th©  j©wish  schoolchildr©n 
hav©  as  r©ad©r  th©  prot©stant  catechism  and  probably  also  have  to  listen  to 


Christian  religous  instruction  and  learn  it ' . he  energetically  demanded 
abrogation  of  this  illegality/  but  left  the  evangelic  authority  (Pfarramt) 
the  choice  of  a reader  and  requested  that  'the  new  reader  to  be  introduced  not 


carry  principally  Christian  teachings'.  The  Kirchen  school  authority/  altho 
10  years  later/  decided  that  ' the  isr. students  be  given  the  biblical  History 
of  teh  Old  Testament'  by  Hebei/  in  agreement  with  the  synagogue  elders. 

How  sharply  and  consequently  otherwise  the  exsiting  laws  7 decrees  were 
applied  is  shown  by  a case  from  the  town  archives  Kirchen-Ef ringen  VI. I. 20: 
Regulations  re  the  cantors/  etc. 1821-1851 : On  20  August  1821  the  cantor  of  the 
jews  in  Kirchen /Abraham  Schwab  from  Kronweissenburg/Bavaria/  the  order  "with 
his  family  to  leave  Kirchen  and  return  to  his  home"/  since  on  29  June  1821  a 
regulation  was  promulgated  requiring  all  foreign  cantors  to  leave  Baden".  The 
Kirchen  synagogue  was  ordered  'to  fill  the  vacant  cantor's  post  within  four 


weeks  with  a suitable  domestic  subject'. 


Jewish  religous  instruction/  given  outside  school  hours / included:  Thora  trans 
lation/  hebrew  language/  hebrew  penmanship/  hebr. reading  and  learning  the  bene- 
dictions. In  larger  jewish  congregations  of  the  cities / but  for  example  also  in 
Sulzburg/  in  1795  a jewish  'Konfessionsschule' (denominational  school-tr)  was 
established/  at  which  since  1804  the  son  of  the  Landesrabbiner  Isak  Kahn/ 


Leopold  Kahn/  taught  as  a teacher  employed  by  the  state. 

P.41  Moses  Nordmann/  1809-1884/  Religion  teacher  at  Kirchen  1834/ 
later  Rabbi  at  Hegenheim/ Alsace  & Basel. 


Until  1834  Moses  Nordmann  taught  in  Kirchen  as  house-teacher;  he  would  later 
become  rabbi  at  Hegenheim/Alsace  (b.20  Sept. 1809  - d.20  April  1884/(162). 
Unfortunately  there  is  no  dociamentation  on  his  activities  at  Kirchen.  So  it  is 
not  known  at  which  family  he  taught.  He  belonged  to  a new  generation  of  theology. 
Nordmann  no  longer  studied  only  at  the  Talmud  schools  but  also  at  the  universities 
at  Nancy/  Wuerzburg  & Heidelberg  where  was  confronted  with  the  new  thought  of 
his  time  (i.e. Abraham  Geiger  at  heidelberg).  On  15  September  1834  he  was  elected 
rabbi  of  Hegenheim  after  dramatic  election  confrontations  with  his  opposing 
orthodox  candidate  Cohn.  He  experienced  the  highest  flowering  and  the  downfall 
of  his  congregation.  Quite  a number  of  reform  were  instituted  by  him.  He  founded 
a society  for  furthering  of  agriculture  and  reform  school  instruction.  But  against 
the  orthodox  convictions  of  his  alsatian  Landgemeinde  he  could  not  always 
prevail.  Constant  clashes  with  his  orthodox  colleagues  took  so  much  of  his 
strength  that  he  was  imable  to  spread  his  ideas  much  further. 

Ancient  and  highly  honored  in  the  jewish  congregations  the  honorary  office  of 


Pamas . 


30 


and  methods  of  these  trivial  schools,  that  were  to  prepare  'the  city  dweller 
or  the  country  person  in  all  knowledge  needed  for  his  lifetime  occupation  as 

Christian  and  citizen,  however  without  really  giving  him  the  chance  to  mentally 
develop  himself  because  he  might  then  nejglect  his  trade  or  even  dislike  it." 
Compulsory  school  attendance  began  at  age  7 and  with  girls  ended  at  13,  and  boys 
at  14  years  of  age.  The  school  supervision  was  by  the  local  parson,  the  first 
instance  of  supervision,  and  a church  elder. 

After  13  Janury  1809  the  Jewish  children  had  to  attend  these  schools,  even  tho 
free  of  Christian  religous  instruction,  but  in  all  subjects  excepting  arithmetic, 
the  subject  of  reading  books,  language  instruction  so  woven  thru  with  Christianity 


that  not  requiring  attendance  from  Christian  instruction  in  today's  meaning 
is  unthinkable.  Compositions  were  written  of  biblical  stories,  reading  was 
almost  exclusively  biblical  stories,  and  songs  were  from  the  hymnals. 

An  officially  ordered  religion  course  was  established  for  the  Jewish 
students.  Even  the  contents  thereof  were  ordered,  it  must  stress  " morality, 
love  for  fellow  man,  devotion  to  the  state  and  civil  order  after  the  clear  basis 

from  Moses  and  the  Prophets so  that  they  will  be  as  amiable  as  when  the 

nation  still  formed  a state." 

1809  the  first  teacher  known  to  us  Jewish  teacher.  Samuel  Ruf  ftom  Blotzheim/ 
Alsace( 177.0)  taught  here  until  1820.  The  isr. teachers  in  the  small  Landgemeinden 
were  generally  also  cantors  and  frequently  Schochets,  i.e.  butcher  following  the 
ritual  slaughtering  methods. 

The  task  of  these  teachers  went  way  beyond  school-teaching.  They  were  in  a congre- 
gation without  a rabbi  the  center  of  the  spiritual  & religous  life.  In  worship 
they  functioned  as  cantor  Jsut  as  their  advice  was  sought  in  difficult  questions, 
for  the  rabbi  of  the  district  sat  at  Sulzburg  and  came  at  most  twice  a year  for 
testing  religous  instruction  of  teh  children. 

The  school  attendance  of  the  Jewish  children  in  Kirchen  of  the  evangelical 
town  school  left  much  to  be  desired  after  the  9th  const. edict. 

In  March  1813  the  following  decision  re  compulsory  school  attendance  was  sent 
the  parson  and  mayor  at  Kirchen:  Without  differentiation  all  Jewish  children 


shall  and  msut  attend  the  Christian  school  irregardless  any  conditions  that  do 


not  concern  religous  instruction.  A list  of  all  children  of  school  age  must  be 
given  to  the  schoolmaster  by  the  mayor  every  easter  (trad. beg. of  school  year— tr. note 
The  iewish  schoolmaster  has  to  give  an  attest  re  his  abilities  within  14  days. 

How  little  of  the  liberal  spirit  of  the  9th. const. edict  entered  the  consciousness 


) 


of  the  administration  is  shown  by  the  following  situation  that  was  found  by 
the  district  rabbi  during  exams  at  the  religous  school  in  Kirchen  13  Oct. 1836, 


27  years  after  the  edict  went  into  effect.  Rabbi  Dreifuss  writes  to  the 


31 

0vang6lic  parsons  offics  and  protsstsd:  'that  ths  j swish  schoolchildrsn 
l^vs  as  rsadsr  ths  protsstant  catschism  and  probably  also  havs  to  listsn  to 
Christian  rsligous  instruction  and  Isam  it',  hs  snsrgotically  dsmandsd 
abrogation  of  this  illegality ^ but  left  the  evangelic  authority  (Pfarramt) 
the  choice  of  a reader  and  requested  that  'the  new  reader  to  be  introduced  not 
carry  principally  Christian  teachings'.  The  Kirchen  school  authority,  altho 
10  years  later,  decided  that  ' the  isr. students  be  given  the  biblical  History 
of  teh  Old  Testament'  by  Hebei,  in  agreement  with  the  synagogue  elders. 

How  sharply  and  consequently  otherwise  the  exsiting  laws  7 decrees  were 
applied  is  shown  by  a case  from  the  town  archives  Kirchen-Ef ringen  VI. I. 20: 
Regulations  re  the  cantors,  etc. 1821-1851 : On  20  August  1821  the  cantor  of  the 
jews  in  Kirchen, Abraham  Schwab  from  Kronweissenburg/Bavaria,  the  order  with 
his  family  to  leave  Kirchen  and  return  to  his  home",  since  on  29  June  1821  a 
regulation  was  promulgated  requiring  all  foreign  cantors  to  leave  Baden  . The 
Kirchen  synagogue  was  ordered  'to  fill  the  vacant  cantor  s post  within  four 
weeks  with  a suitable  domestic  subject'. 

Jewish  religous  instruction,  given  outside  school  hours,  included:  Thora  trans- 
lation, hebrew  language,  hebrew  penmanship,  hebr. reading  and  learning  the  bene- 
dictions. In  larger  jewish  congregations  of  the  cities,  but  for  example  also  in 
Salzburg,  in  1795  a jewish  'Konfessionsschule' (denominational  school-tr)  was 
established,  at  which  since  1804  the  son  of  the  Landesrabbiner  Isak  Kahn, 

Leopold  Kahn,  taught  as  a teacher  ^ployed  by  the  state. 

P.41  Moses  Nordmann,  1809—1884,  Religion  teacher  at  Kirchen  1834, 
later  Rabbi  at  Hegenheim/ Alsace  S.  Basel. 

Until  1834  Moses  Nordmann  taught  in  Kirchen  as  house-teacher;  he  would  later 

become  rabbi  at  Hegenheim/ Alsace  (b.20  Sept. 1809  - d.20  April  1884,(162). 

Unfortunately  there  is  no  documentation  on  his  activities  at  Kirchen.  So  it  is 

not  known  at  which  family  he  taught.  He  belonged  to  a new  generation  of  theology. 

Nordmann  no  longer  studied  only  at  the  Talmud  schools  but  also  at  the  universities 

at  Nancy,  Wuerzburg  & Heidelberg  where  was  confronted  with  the  new  thought  of 

his  time  (i.e. Abraham  Geiger  at  heidelberg).  On  15  September  1834  he  was  elected 

rabbi  of  Hegenheim  after  dramatic  election  confrontations  with  his  opposing 

orthodox  candidate  Cohn.  He  experienced  the  highest  flowering  and  the  downfall 

of  his  congregation.  Quite  a number  of  reform  were  instituted  by  him.  He  founded 

a society  for  furthering  of  agriculture  and  reform  school  instruction.  But  against 

the  orthodox  convictions  of  his  alsatian  Ltndgemeinde  he  could  not  always 

prevail.  Constant  clashes  with  his  orthodox  colleagues  took  so  much  of  his 

strength  that  he  was  unable  to  spread  his  ideas  much  further. 

Ancient  and  highly  honored  in  the  jewish  congregations  the  honorary  office  of 


Pamas . 


32 


Again  and  again  it  is  translated  as  'Vorstand'  or  'Vorsteher ' (head  of.,  tr). 
Basically  it  has  another  meaning.  It  originally  means  the  activity  of  caring 
and  noiirishing  and  not  primarily  that  of  administration  or  presiding.  In  the 
smaller  Landgemeinden  that  form  ed  themselves  until  1809  without  state  regu- 
lation quite  freely,  this  high  office  was  mostly  given  the  economically  and 
socially  stable  member  of  the  congregation,  who  generally  was  considered  the 
least  influenced  by  varying  opinions.  The  first  head  of  the  congregation  known 
to  us  is  Herz  Bloch-Mock  (22.0)  who  also  was  titled  'Vorsteher'  or  'Judenschulz". 

In  the  9th  const. edict  his  office  was  delineated:  "Each  town  synagogue  has  ...  an 
elder  of  the  comm\anity,  named  of  the  most  'gebildet'  ) educated, cultured-tr) 
citizens  ...and  approved  by  the  administration".  He  was  responsible  for  ...the 
'church'  conduct,  for  the  fulfilling  the  orders  from  the  authority  . Already 
1816  the  above-mentioned  Herz  Bloch-Mock  is  named  as  the  'former  Schulz'. 

After  1833  two  synagoge  councillors  stood  at  his  side.  This  group  was  called 
'Synagogenrat'  (synagogue  council  or  board-tr)  and  depending  on  the  size  of  the 
congregation  consisted  of  3 - 7 members  by  the  members  of  the  congregation  entitled 
to  vote  by  a simple  majority.  These  electees  were  affirmed  by  the  Bezirksamt. 

After  consultation  with  the  district  synagogue  and  the  Bezirksamt  one  of  them 
would  be  named  'Vorsteher'.  The  term  of  ofifce  was  6 years.  Every  three  years 
half  the  council  had  to  be  replaced  by  a new  election. With  Menge  Bloch  in  1835 
the  first  such  Synagogenrat  was  named  for  Kirchen.  1841  it  was  Elias  Bloch  and 
the  two  councillors  were  Joseph  Olesheimer  S,  Menge  Bloch. 

The  election  rules  were  as  follows;  Entitled  to  vote  are  those  men  at  least  25 
years  old,  membersa  of  the  isr.religous  community  of  the  Grand  Duchy  Baden, 
who  are  for  at  least  a year  inhabitants  of  the  community  and  had  appropriate 
church  taxes  to  the  congregation  for  the  previous  year.  Excluded  are:  1)  incapa- 
cititated,  2)  who  receive  support  from  public  poor  funds,  3)  who  have  no  direct 
household  nor  pay  direct  state  taxes ....  8 ) during  a bancruptcy  case,  9) who  are 
more  than  a year  in  arrears  with  church  taxes". 

As  happens  so  often  in  small  groups  these  honorary  offices  were  often  placed  in 
the  service  of  personal  seeking  after  might  or  for  special  interests.  A good 
proof  of  that  is  in  the  still  existing  documents,  letters,  complaints,  etc. 
of  teh  Kirchen  jews  vs.  their  Synagogenraethe  & vice  versa.  For  the  s.rat 
elections  every  3/6  years  less  and  less  candidates  appeared.  When  it  was  managed 
to  get  some  candidates  of  whom  2 or  3 would  be  elected,  generally  one  or  at 


times  both  declined  the  election  for  business  reasons. 

P.43  Postcard  showing  the  Gasthaus  zum  Rebstock.  Both  towers  of  the 
synagogue  are  clearly  visible  to  the  left  of  peak  of  the  inn. 


33 


A further  institution  of  the  congregation,  that  specifically  named  aonly 
appears  after  1892,  but  whose  work:  was  de  facto  done  by  the  S.rat  of  the 
period,  was  the  appraisal  commission.  The  means  for  it's  reguirements  had  to 
provided  within  the  congregation  itself.  The  congr.  had  to  partially  pay  the 
religion  teacher,  build  a synagogue,  support  the  poor,  etc.  The  total  sum  of 
these  needs  was  now  apportioned  among  the  membership  of  teh  congregation.  The 
" order  for  the  taxation  for  the  religous  requirements  of  the  individual  isr. 


congregations  and  the  district  synagogue'  of  26  May  1826  laid  down  the  means 
and  procedure  for  the  election  of  the  appraisers.  They  had  to  review  the  self- 
appraisals  of  the  individual  members.  L.D.Kahn  in  his  'History  of  the  Jews  of 
Salzburg'  lists  the  items  that  were  included  in  appraisals.  Among  them  were 
all  items  beyond  the  direct  perosnal  needs,  i.e.  due  bills  & goods  held  for  sale. 
Not  included  was  the  own  house  (residence)  and  the  needed  wheeled  equipment.  Each 
bridegroom  had  to  pay  2%  of  his  and  2%  of  his  bride's  estate. 

With  this  practice  there  were  often  protests  over  too  high  appraisals  by  the 
S.Rat.  But  here  too:  Compared  with  the  enormous  difficulties  such  an  appraisal 
system  engendered  the  protests  and  complaints  must  be  considered  minimal.  It  is 
much  easier  to  accept  the  taxation  of  a 'higher  authority'  than  the  appraisal  for 
the  congregation  by  friends  & relatives. 

We  find  the  first  mention  of  a prayer  room  of  the  Kirchen  jews  in  a petition  to 
the  margrave  for  support  in  building  a new  synagogue,  dated  11  March  1789. 

There  writes  Moses  Samuel:  " The  local  Jewry  cosnsiting  of  9 households  had  up 
to  now  had  met  for  theri  coirmon  worship  at  the  house  of  the  Schutzjude  July  Bloch 
but  since  easter  he  no  longer  can  or  will  give  up  this  room  because  he  needs  it 
for  himself;  another  place  to  hold  worship  is  not  to  be  found  here,  and  to  buy 
any  building  or  to  build  one,  the  poor  Jewry  only  two  to  three  are  well 

off,  is  not  well  off  enough.  We  cannot  be  deprive.-  a place  to  assemble." 

The  Kirchen  jews  therefor  request  via  the  Loerrach  Oberamt  the  Margrave 
for  finacial  aid  for  the  acquisition  of  such  a building,  as  he  already  has  done 
in  the  Unterland.  The  congregation  could  perhaps  offer  a suitable  plot.  700  fl. 
is  the  estimate  for  such  a building. 


The  Oberamt  agrees  to  this  plan  if  the  Jewry  fo  Kirchen  communally  assumes 


liability  for  capital  & interest. 

The  documents  are  quiet  over  the  realisation  fo  the  undertaking  for  now.  But 
on  t,  1^2'^  UO.--T  pi/TT'Vi  t-><o  Pamap  nf  Ki  rchpn  iewrv,  writes  to  the  Oberamt 


Loerrach,  to  again  stop  new  plans  for  a new  synagogue  since 
(1795)  the  new  synagogue  was  built" 


"only  28  years  ago 


Even  if  not  large  enough 


she  is  still  large  enought 


to  contain  the  Jewry. 


34 


In  a petition  of  the  Loerrach  jews  of  31  October  1801  to  the  Margrave  for  the 
cession  of  a centrally  located  plot  in  Loerrach  for  a new  synagogue,  the 
Loerrach  jews  refer  to  the  example  of  the  congregation  Kirchen  which  tho 
much  smaller  'owns  their  own  synagogue  for  some  time'. 

This  1795  built  Betsaal  apparently  soon  proved  too  small.  As  already  reported 
efforts  were  made  already  1822  or  1823  to  enlarge  the  existing  synagogue  or  to 
plan  a new  one.  The  successor  of  Pamas  Herz  Blochs  Hirsch  Bigar>  energetically 
fostered  plans  for  a new  building. 

P.44  Plot-plan  of  the  Synagogue  (excerpt) 

Herz  Bloch  was  against  this: "The  present  time  is  also  not  right  for  such  an 
expensive  undertaking. .. if  the  synagogue  is  too  small  it  could  cheaply,  for 
perhaps  100  fl.  be  enlarged,  which  is  always  better  than  an  unneccary  expense  of 
over  2,000  fl."  After  inspection  by  the  district  architect  a new  and  solid 
synagogue  building  is  recommended  since  the  'old  locality'  really  is  too  small 
and  enlarging  the  same  would  be  difficult.  On  12  August  1823  the  'Directorium  des 
Pj-0yggmkreises ' (director  of  the  Dreisam  district  — tr.— Dreisam  is  a river  near 
Freiburg,  to  the  nor th-tr .note. ) authorised  planning  for  1)  enlargement , 2 ) new 
construction. 

Only  1828  does  planning  for  new  construction  mature.  On  2 Febr.1828  Pamas  Hirsch 
Bigar  petitions  the  Bezirksamt  to  plan  the  synagogue  in  conjunction  with  a 
school  building  and  a teachers  apartment.  In  June  1828  a new  petition  reads; 

"The  isr .congregation  Kirchen  opines  that  a solid  building  be  erected,  so  that 
this  building  remains  roomy  enough  for  children  & childrens  children. 

In  order  to  come  up  with  1,100  fl.the  congregation  proposes  a collection 
among  the  jewish  congregations  of  the  land.  The  reason  given  therefor  was  the 
poor  economic  situation  in  the  own  congregation.  1/3  are  well  off,  2/3  if  not 
really  poor  still  needy,  so  that  they  could  spare  little  or  nothing.  The  total 
cost  of  teh  building  was  figured  at  3,100  fl.  The  Directorium  of  the  Dreysamkreis 
rejects  the  submitted  design  for  a new  synagogue,  schoolhouse  & teacher's 
quarters  as  beyond  the  finacial  capacity  of  the  isr .congregaiton. 

The  Bezirksamt  is  given  the  task  to  work  out  a less  expensive  plan  that 
is  more  in  accordance  with  the  ability  of  the  congregation. 

P.45  - The  new  plan  (see  illus.)  show  a building  that  in  it's  exterior  hardly 
differs  from  a stately  house,  and  was  similar  to  the  Rabbi's  house 
as  planned  for  Duesseldorf. 

The  jewish  congregation  rejected  this  design  with  the  reasoning  that  the  savings 

' the  appearance  of  this  churchly  building  would  suffer The  reference 

to  the  'churchly'  example  can  be  understood  to  mean  that  the  synagogue 


4 


should  havG  thG  samG  sacrod  and  roprosentative  charactGr  as  a church.  On  7 Oct. 
1828  the  new  plan  for  synagogue  with  additional  buildings  is  estimated  at 
4,694.29  fl..  The  synagogue  is  te  be  12.10  m x 8.60  m.  The  project  is  sent 
for  estimates  to  50  builders.  The  winner  was  master  carpenter  Fingerlin  at 
4,656  fl. 

Already  23  July  1829  Pamas  Hirsch  Bigar  remarks  that  the  new  synagogue  should 
be  bigger  than  planned.  He  suggests  a lengthening  of  3-4  feet  towards  the 
momingside  because  then  many  more  places  could  be  won. 

"Since  we  alreay  spend  a great  deal  on  this  building  we  would  do  better 
to  sacrifice  more  in  order  to  see  this  building  built  to  our  wishes". 

The  provincial  rabbinate  Salzburg,  under  Rabbi  Abraham  Weil,  on  16  July  1829 
refers  to  the  Jewish  religous  law  that  is  to  be  observed  by  the  construction 
of  a mikveh.  According  to  this  opinion  israelites  may  not  sulxnerge  in  bath 
the  water  of  which  is  brought  with  a pump  into  a single  tub.  The  tube  must  be 
built  of  several  stones,  and  the  water  to  fill  it  must  flow  into  it  directly 
from  the  earth. 

The  plans  for  the  mikveh  therefor  had  to  be  altered. 

P.46  Plan  fo  the  Synagogue  l)Syn. entry  2) Kitchen  w.  pump 

3) Stairs  to  Worn. loft  4) Bedroom 
5)Livingroom  6) Stairs  to  Apt. 

7 ) Abort  ( outhouse ) 8 ) empty 

9 ) Corpse  Washroom  1 0 ) Mikveh 

11 )Archive, Assembly  & Schoolroom 

The  Haltinger  builder  Fingerlin  has  dififculties  with  the  complex.  So  on  23 
Dec.  1830  he  is  threatened  with  the  contract-penalty  if  the  new  building  is  not 
completed  within  four  weeks. 

Time  was  of  teh  essence,  for  on  25  Febr.1831  the  building  was  to  be  dedicated, 
at  1 PM,  by  rabbi  Abraham  Weil,  for  it's  intended  use. 

Already  1846  & 1860  serious  damages  and  faults  appeared.  The  isr. teacher  Lazarus 
Mannheim  complained  to  the  Bezirksamt  against  the  Synagogenrat  of  Kirchen  that 
his  ehalth  was  impaired  living  in  the  teacher's  apartment  due  to  defective  windows. 
After  Mannheim  died  1863  his  successor  Israel  Schorsch  continues  his  complaints 
in  1864. 

In  1871  the  congregation  thinks  of  selling  the  old  synagogue  of  1795,  that 

had  meanwhile  become  the  poorhouse.  The  district  rabbi  of  Sulzburg  replied  to 

the  congregation  in  a letter  in  german,  but  written  in  cursive  hebrew  letters. 

P.47  The  former  synagogue  of  Kirchen  with  the  Schoolhouse,  Mikveh 
and  the  teachers  apartment. 

" Sulburg,  20  Elul  5631  = b Sept.ib/i 

To  the  Sinagogenrat  Kirchen! 

In  reply  to  your  letter  of  14  Elul  the  sale  of  the  old  synagogue  can  be  done 
under  the  observance  of  certain  formalities.  However  since  this  building  has  for 


36 


many  years  been  used  as  poorhouse  it's  sale  offers  no  problems.  The  receipts 
therefor  may  be  used  for  the  purchase  of  another  building  for  the  same  purpose. 

The  poor  have  priority  in  the  use  of  the  building  already,  and  cannot  be  denied 
them  without  providing  replacement  therefor.  Since  orphans  and  a widow  also 
live  in  that  house,  it's  sale  becomes  more  questionable.  We  must  observe  the 
warning  and  threat  in  our  holy  scriptures  1 Moses  27  verse  21-23:  You  shall  not 
trouble  widows  and  orphans.  If  you  trouble  them  they  will  cry  out  to  me  and 
I will  hear  their  cry... etc — . 

Also  it  is  not  advisable  to  totally  relie  on  the  political  congregation, 
and  the  performance  might  be  sparse.  In  addition  the  affluence  of  the  jews  has 
with  G'd's  help  increased  substantially,  in  which  I wish  that  the  Eternal 
always  helps  you.  Therefor  the  congregation  is  in  a position  to  pay  off  it's 
remaining  debts  without  withdrawing  the  roof  from  over  the  heads  of  the  poor. 
Therefor  it'll  be  best  to  discuss  it  with  the  political  congregation.  Also  of 
importance  is  that  the  furnishings  remain  property  fo  the  jews  and  that  the  polit. 
congregation  make  no  demands  thereon. 

Menachem  Dreyfuss" 

P.48  Letter  in  hebrew  cursive  writing  of  the  Bezirkxabbiner. 

Next  to  the  just  described  synagogue  building  stood  the  school  building 
with  2 calssrooms.  In  the  upper  story  was  the  teacher's  apartment  and  in  the 
cellar  the  Mikveh. 

Architecture  and  Style  of  the  Synagogue. 

The  synagogue  consists  of  a longish  building  with  galleries  on  three  sides 
and  a niche  in  the  eastern  wall  under  an  egyptian  'Aedikula'  (?-tr).  On  the 
west  facade  are  two  low  towers  that  are  somewhat  higher  than  the  porch. These 
towers  are  topped  by  a low  pyramidal  roof.  The  porch  opens  to  the  west  in  a 
portal,  the  architrave  of  which  is  carried  by  two  doric  collumns. 

The  outer  decorations  as  well  as  the  proportions  of  the  building  remind 
one  of  egyptian  motives,  particularly  the  squat  towers.  The  synagogue  shows  a 
mixture  of  different  styles.  Against  egyption  examples  the  windows  are  closed 
with  roimdings,  the  stories  are  seperated  by  wide  moldings-  this  too  not 
found  in  egyptian  architecture.  In  spite  of  going  against  style  the  effect 
was  to  mimic  the  large  egyptian  temples.  Similar  lay-outs  to  Kirchen  and 
Karlsruhe  can  be  found  in  the  synagogue  at  Copenhagen  built  by  Hetsch  1833.  Here 
the  two  towers  are  slighty  ahead  of  the  wall  but  undoubtedly  the  same  motif  is 
intended  as  in  Karlsruhe. 

Conspicous  on  the  synagogues  of  Karlsruhe  & Kirchen  were  the  two  pylons 
flanking  the  westfacade.  They  point  to  egyptian  models  as  shown  in  archeo- 


logic  publications. 

More  clearly  is  the  egyprian  influence  that  can  be  traced  to  the 


tenpie  in 


37 


Jerusalem.  The  synagogues  in  Eichstetten,  1829/30,  Kirchen, 1831 , Altona  1832, 
Copenhagen  1833,  S.  Wuerzburg  1839/40,  show  not  only  close  adherence  to  egyptian 
architecture-especially  the  eastern  wall  with  the  Holy  Ark  - but  follow  re-con- 
structions of  the  Temple  of  Salomon.  The  arks  of  the  syangogues  of  Kirchen, 
Copenhagen  & Wuerzbixrg  consist  of  might  structure. 

Up  four  steps  one  reached  the  porch  carried  by  two  columns.  Over  the  portal 

was  a hebrew  inscription  from  Ps. 118.20  (see  P.50): 

This  is  the  Gate  of  the  Lord  into  which  the  righteous  may  enter, 

built  in  the  year  1831  (after  the  small  calendar). 

P.50  The  synagogue  proper  of  Kirchen,  destroyed  9 Nov. 1938. 

Like  most  of  the  ashkenazic  synagogues  built  later  that  of  Kirchen  also  had  a 

two-part  womens  gallery  that,  differing  from  the  classic,  was  not  fenced  off. 

The  east  side  of  all  orthodox  synagogues  are  toward  Jerusalem,  similar  to  the 

old  churches  that  were  also  built  to  face  east;  there  taking  up  the  full  height 

of  teh  synagogue,  was  the  Holy  Ark,  aron  ha  kodesh,  in  which  the  Thora  Scrolls 

were  stored.  The  outside  trim  of  this  Ark  was  dark-red  marmorized  wood,  flanked 

by  two  colummns.  The  curtain  in  front  of  the  Ark,  paroceht'  was  made  of  black 

cloth,  decorated  above  with  the  star  of  David,  magen  david,  below  two  lions 

hold  a crown  over  a sign  of  the  presence  of  G'd,  the  two  hebrew  letters  j~i 

The  cantors  lectern,  called  'tewa  or  amud'  and  the  'almemor',  the  table  for 

reading  the  Thora,  stood  in  front  of  the  'aron  ha  kodesh'.  The  eternal  light, 

ner  tamid,  derived  from  Ex. 27. 20  & Lev. 24. 2,  hung  in  a fixture  in  front  of  the 

Thora  curtain.  The  two  eight-branched  candelabra  (*),  Chanukah  candelabra, 

that  reminded  on  the  sanctification  of  the  temple  of  Judas  Maccabeus,  and  whose 

eight  lights  in  the  time  of  8 days  are  lit,  stood  on  the  sides  of  the  center 

of  teh  main  room.  Their  biblical  basis  is  Ex. 25. 31-45  & I Kings  7.49. 

((*)  Tr. respectfully  differs.  The  candelabra  shown  are  the  classic  7-armed. 

The  Chanukah  candelabra  is  used  only  during  the  eight  days  of  Chanukah) . 

P.49  - Aerial  view  of  Kirchen  - 1932,  Small  fig. on  right  shows 

synagogue  in  circle. 

The  walls,  ceiling  and  the  floor  were  entirely  undecorated.  Only  with  geometric 
ornaments,  but  not  showing  humans  of  animals,  could  these  areas  be  decorated. 

In  front  of  the  seats  were  box-like  containers  in  which  the  prayerbooks  and 
otehr  ritual  objects,  like  Tallit,  Tefillin,  etc.  were  kept. 

To  the  three  daily  prayers  on  holidays/festivals  after  the  morning  prayer  sn 
additional  prayer  was  added  (musaf).  The  sexton  (Schamasch)  knocked  on  the  wooden 
shutters  with  his  wooden  hammer  or  doors  to  call  the  congregation  to  worship. 

In  this  he  was  also  called  'Schulklopfer'  (school  knocker-tr).  In  some 
congregations  the  death  of  a member  was  so  notified. 

The  most  festive  moment  of  a sabbath  or  holiday  was  the  taken  from  the  Ark  of 


38 


the  Thora  and  puttin  g them  back.  The  Thora  Scrolls  themselves,  were  written 
by  a 'sofer,  a writer  specially  trained  to  observe  specific  rules,  and  are  of 
parchment  and  rolled  upon  two  wooden  staves.  In  order  not  to  touch  the  Scrolls 
by  hand  the  reader  uses  a special  pointer,  a 'jad'  (hand-tr)  made  of  wood 
or  a noble  metal. 

One  of  the  Thora  Scrolls  was  said  to  have  been  brought  by  the  Domacher  Bloch 
family  when  they  immigrated  to  Kirchen  1736.  On  high  holidays  sermons  (deroshot) 
were  help  in  synagogue.  On  the  two  highest  holidays,  the  great  Atonement  Day  - 
jom  kippur,  and  the  Jewish  New  Year  - rosh  ha  shannah  - a man  suitable  capable 
blew  the  'shofar',  a horn  made  from  the  horn  of  a ram. 

(Tr.Note:  The  architectural  description  was  found  to  be  especially  difficult 
to  translate;  Tr .apologizes  for  the  mistakes) 

Special  rules  were  amde  for  the  worship  service  as  well  as  the  entering  and 

leaving  of  the  synagogue.  The  oldest  known  to  me  was  made  1866: 

The  Synagogue  Rules  (1866) 

Staatsarchiv  Freiburg  361/615  - The  synagogue  rules  - 1840  - 1877  - The 
synagogue  rules  for  the  isr. congregation  Kirchen,  signed  6 Nov. 1866  by  Harburger, 
pamas,  Samuel  Lieber les,  Leopold  Bloch,  Herz  Bloch. 

"In  order  to  establish  proper  dignity  of  worship  and  deportment  we  find 
ourselves  occassioned  to  establish  the  following  rules: 

1. )  The  time  for  worship  to  begin  is  set  by  the  Synagogenrat. 

2. )  Both  immediately  before  and  following  worship,  nor  during  same,  may  any 
functions  take  place  either  in  the  street  or  in  the  frontyard  of  the  synagogue. 

3. )  Entry  as  well  as  leaving  the  synagogue  is  to  be  in  a dignified  manner. 
Specifically  conduct  during  worship  shall  be  dignified. 

4. )  Other  than  the  cantor  only  those  named  as  'capable'  shall  lead  the  congre- 
gation in  prayer  on  sabbath  and  festival  days,  as  determined  by  the  Sinagogenrat. 

5. )  There  shall  be  no  overly  loud  paraying  & singing  with  the  cantor. 

6. )  Chattering  during  worship  is  stricly  prohibited. 

7. )  During  the  time  the  Thora  is  removed  and  returned  to  the  Holy  Ark  nobody 
may  leave  the  synagogue,  emergencies  excepted. 

8. )  Noone  may  leave  his  place  until  the  last  Kaddish  is  recited. 

9. )  During  prayer  for  his  majesty,  the  emperor  and  his  royal  highness  the  Grand 
Duke  all  must  rise  from  their  seat. 

10. )  Children  under  4 years  of  age  may  not  participate  in  piiblic  worship; 
parents  will  be  held  responsible  for  the  proper  behavior  of  their  children. 

11. )  Violations  of  these  rules  will  be  punished  by  the  Sinagogenrat  with  fines 


in  money,  from  6 Kreutzer  to  2 Gulden. 


39 


P.52  Interior  of  Synagogue  at  Loerrach,  built  1809 
In  the  neighboring  j .congregation  at  Loerrach  a synagogue  rule  was  decreed 
that  was  much  more  drastic.  Bloch  reports  on  it's  origination: 

The  differences  and  all  the  hate  that  collected  and  exploded  show  that 
in  the  j .congregation  Loerrach  no  good  spirit  reigned.  The  documents  tell  of 
much  fighting  and  quarrelling  and  neither  the  House  of  G'd  nor  worship  services 
were  respected,  when  the  'fighting  cocks'  exploded.  Typical  for  the  then  athmos- 
phere  is  a fight  that  occurred  19  December  1851  at  morning  prayer,  between 
Abraham  Wilstaetter  & Lazarus  Weil  because  of  the  recitation  of  the  Kaddish, 
and  the  dramatic  course  of  which  we  will  follow  from  documents  of  the  Bezirks- 
amt: A. Wilstaetter  before  the  sinagogenrat : ' On  the  19th  instant  I left  my  place 
in  the  synagogue  in  order  to  recite  kaddish  for  my  recently  deceased  mother.  As 
Im  went  to  the  Holy  Ark,  where  the  prayer  is  recited,  I asked  Lazarus  Weilif  he 
got  fatter  from  reciting  the  prayer  that  was  rightfully  my  place  to  do.  On  this 
he  replied,  it's  not  worth  the  effort  to  answer  me  as  a 'Vollzapf ' (local  colloq.- 
means  full  of...-tr),  and  attacked  me  with  hsi  chair  without  my  resisting  him. 

In  this  attack  he  was  helped  by  his  brother  Benjamin  and  Nathan  Domacher, 
threw  me  on  the  floor,  tore  my  tefillin  and  tallis.  Witnesses: Bernhard  Nordmann 
& Nathan  Reut linger. 

Deposition  of  Benjamin  & Lazarus  Weil: 

A. Wilstaetter  left  his  placebefore  the  proper  prayer  could  be  recited,  came  to 
our  place,  called  us  thief  because  I recited  the  named  prayer,  to  which  he 
claims  right  but  which  I doubt.  I told  him  to  go  from  our  places  and  suggested 
to  fight  it  out  outside  the  synagogue,  he  didn't  leave  after  repeated  requests. 

I then  moved  my  chair  to  the  side  in  order  to  show  him,  A.W. , on  the  basis  of 
a list  showing  those  entitled  to  recite  the  prayer,  that  I was  entitled  to  recite 
that  prayer  for  my  mother.  Moving  the  chair  may  have  slightly  bumped  against  him. 
In  any  case  he  hit  me  on  the  eye  with  his  his  hand.  In  order  to  prevent  further 
maltreatment  may  brother  came  to  my  assistance.  Because  of  this  the  chair  may 
have  fallen  over  and  with  it  A.W.  because  he  was  drunk.  Witnesses:  Gessau  Blum 
& Nathan  Domacher. 

I won't  mention  the  shameful  impression  this  sort  of  scandal  must  have  made 
to  the  Bezirksamt.  What's  bad  is  that  the  authorities  have  to  be  annoyed  with 
this  sort  of  fights,  so  that  the  Oberamtmann  felt  compelled  to  write  to  the 
Bezirksrabbiner : 

29  Dec. 1851.  In  recent  time  several  disturbances  occurred  during  worship 
in  the  local  synagogue,  generally  over  jealousy  over  the  right  to  lead  prayer. 

We  are  often  overrun  daily  with  such  complaints.  When  these  disagreements  concern 
only  the  interior  rite  as  such  we  do  not  feel  justified  nor  obliged  to  act. 


40 


But  when  such  a scandal  erupts  into  fisticuffs  or  damages  the  public  peace 
and  quiet  and  order  we  must,  aside  from  the  particular  appllicable  laws,  from 
the  point  of  view  of  public  order  take  strict  actions.  We  have  already  asked 
several  isr .congregation  members  quietly  and  peacefully  to  refrain  from  such 
acts  but  in  vain.  We  are  tired  of  this  matter  and  will  proceed  with  all  means. 
But  before  this  we  shall  try  to  tread  the  way  of  kindness  and  forward  to  you 
these  documents  that  concern  the  mildest  act,  so  that  you  take  the  proper 
measures  within  your  competence,  generally  as  well  as  in  the  present  case. 

After  proper  rules  are  in  place,  which  shall  include  the  publication  of  this 
letter,  we  request  return  of  the  documents  and  reserve  further  action. 
s/Bezirksamt , Winter. 

P.53  Gasthaus  zur  Linde,  'Judenwirtschaft'  (jews  inn-tr)  until  turn 
of  century 

P.54  Jakob  Bloch,  high  on  a horse 

The  Jewish  congregation  of  Kirchen  until  it's  end  belonged  to  the  conservativ, 
traditionally  religous,  orthodox  congregations.  Liberalism  could  only  spread 
in  the  city  congregations  in  Baden  by  the  end  of  the  century.  The  smaller, 
therefor  homogenous,  traditional  Landgemeinden  were  and  remained  orthodox, 
in  spite  of  all  reform  suggestions  of  the  Oberrat  (der  Israeliten-tr ) in 
Karlsruhe.  (TR.Note:  The  above  is  quite  true  as  I remember  it,  but  we  did 
consider  us  'liberal',  and  not  'orthodox'  - thos  in  practice  quite  orthodox) 

Daily  life  went  on  according  to  the  strict  ritual  rules.  To  these  'Way 
Signs'  that  I wish  to  name  the  daily  religous  requirements  of  a religous  jew, 
the  daily  prayers,  other  matters  had  to  be  observed  such  as  keeping  apart  clean 
and  unclean  in  the  dietary  laws  and  in  contact  with  people  S.  animals. 

Many  family  fathers  travelled  as  ' Handelsmaenner ' (traders-tr)  in  the 
nearer  or  further  vicinity  with  their  wares  and  their  cattle.  It  cannot 
have  been  easy  for  these  since  they  were  on  the  road  several  days,  to  eat 
kosher  on  these  trips.  There  weren't  many  Jewish  inns,  so  one  had  to  cook 
for  oneself. In  Kirchen  there  was  a 'Judenwirtschaft  'Zur  Linde'  (Lindentree— tr) . 
The  first  innkeeper  was  Samuel  Lieberles  (129.0).  It  remained  as  a jews  inn 
until  turn  of  the  century. 

The  sabbath  was  and  is  the  focal  point  of  the  life  of  a JEW.  " It  is  required 
for  the  life  of  the  individual  jew  in  each  week  to  not  work  a day...." 

L.D.Kahn  writes  of  the  Sabbath  as  it  was  celebrated  in  Sulzburg,  but 
which  must  apply  equally  to  Kirchen  (Tr.Note-and  elswhere  with  local  variations) 


^ < 1 ^ T.Ti  « 

WAAW  > 


. . . . l;'£-Xa<iY  tiVWlXliy  waa  a iia^^u  j.cuuxj-7  rf.^wAA  w*aw  

workday  was  put  aside  with  all  it's  troubles  & hassles,  one  changed  to  a 'holiday 
person'.  The  big  room  in  the  house  was  festive,  the  pinefloor  freshly  scrubbed 
and  sprinkled  with  sand  that  it  squeaked.  The  tile  stove  gave  off  comfortable 
heat  in  winter. 


41 


The  festive  meal,  following  the  various  blessings,  consisted  in  most  Jewish 
families  of  noodlesoup,  cold  & sharp  fish  (sabbath  as  foretaste  of  messianic 
time,  that  begins  when  Leviathan,  king  of  the  fish  is  killed),  soupneat  with 
side  dishes,  punch  & cake... .in  this  world  of  yesterday  friday  evening  and 
sabbath  were  properly  celebrated. 

The  'Jew  Laws'  after  1809 

On  4 May  1812  the  old  constitutional  edict  of  1809  was  supplemented  by  a new 
edict  that  newly  regulated  the  ' Schutzbuerger ' status  of  the  jews.  Schutz- 
buergerrecht  was  now  only  available  to  one  who  had  specific  controllable  assets 
or  who  makes  his  living  with  a properly  learned  occupation,  who  properly  knew 
german  and  had  learned  reading,  writing  & arithmetic.  Who  supported  himself  by 
'Nothandel'  was  excluded  from  all  Schutz  and  other  civil  rights. 

In  those  town  where  no  jews  had  lived  up  to  now  they  could  only  be  allowed 
to  settle  with  the  consent  of  the  community.  Here  like  in  the  old  Jewish  settlements 
they  were  excluded  from  the  community  administration,  say  excluded  from  voting 
at  local  elections.  The  Grand  Duke  reserved  to  himself  the  right  to  give  the 
'Ortsbuergerrecht'  (town  citizenship-tr)to  particularly  highly  respected  jews. 

Of  the  const. edict  of  1809  that  tried  to  provide  justice  to  jews  in  a 
number  of  serious  problems  was  made  a reactionary  police  law  that  would  have 
well  fitted  into  the  18th  century.  In  April  1818  the  new  and  long  overdue 


constitution  literally  had  to  be  wrung  from  the  ill  Graind  Dxoke  Karl  Ludwig 
Friedrich  (1786-1818).  The  aroused  nobility,  the  dissatisfied  citizenry  and  the 
forward  looking  officials  were  the  main  actors  of  this  'coup  d'etat  from  within'. 

But  the  joy  of  the  jews  for  the  sought-after  civil  equality  was  too  early.  So  it 
said:  'The  civil  rights  of  all  Badener  are  equal  in  every  way.... 'but  in  the  next 
sentence  followed: I . .where  the  constitution  finds  an  exception  namely  & specifically.' 


And  it  found.  The  idea  of  the  Christian  state  flourished.  The  eligibilty  of 
the  delegates  was  limited  to  'believers'  of  the  three  Christian  confessions, 
who  also  had  to  be  local  citizen  ( Ortsbuerger ) . 

Until  1830  the  Oberrat  and  the  liberal  marüsers  of  the  2nd. chamber  tried 
for  a change  in  par. 12  of  the  'Gemeindeverfassing'  (community  const. -tr)  that 
made  jews  into  a class  of  'state  owned  serfs'. 

The  old  reaction  , in  spite  of  the  liberal  ideas  of  minister  vonBoeckh  (1777-1855) 
and  von  Winter  (1778  - 1838),  carried  on  and  followed  exactly  the  tenets  set 


aown  Dy  au  vxtfxuia.  me  wao 

versities  to  teach  was  limited  by  adhering 
both  support  & motor  for  the  holy  alliance. 


a 3^^ 

to  the  Karlsbader  decisions,  and  was 
At  the  Bundestag  in  Frankfurt  the 


delegate  from  Baden  Friedrich  v.Blittersdorf  (1792-1861)  in  reply  to  questions 


42 


of  the  other  governments  advised  that  a jews  law  as  given  and  practiced 
in  Baden  be  warned  against  most  strongly . The  then  interior  minister  of  Baden 
V.  Berlcheim  in  1828  reported  on  his  experience  of  the  so-called  liberal  jew 
laws:  The  mild  concern  with  which  one  proceeded  under  the  edict  of  1809  did 
not  have  the  desired  success.  They  have  not  become  like  the  Christian  population 
either  morally  nor  intellectually  by  any  means.  The  great  majority  of  jews  as 
before  practiced  their  sharp  practices  and  never  considered  themselves  citizens. 
They  rather  felt  themselves  as  a branch  of  the  jewish  people  dispersed  all  over 
the  world.  Also  they  chose  only  such  occupations  that  did  not  require  physical 
work,  i.e.  tailor  or  shoemaker,  etc.  and  those  that  combine  with  trading  business 
such  as  butcher  or  soapmaker.  Altogether  jews  are  not  capable  for  a serious 
naturalisation  as  long  as  they  stuck  to  their  own  language,  religion  & nationality. 

When  in  1830  Leopold  (1790-1852)  followed  his  deceased  stepbrother 
Ludwig  I (1763-1830)  to  the  throne  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Baden  a more  liberal 
time  seemed  to  come  to  Baden.  On  one  part  this  was  due  to  the  personality  of  the 
new  prince  who  was  considered  generous,  friendly  towards  the  common  man,  a 
friend  of  the  constitution.  His  predecessor  Ludwig  I,  contrasting,  was  sharp, 
distrustful,  and  a slave  of  his  favorites  and  mistresses,  and  built  a strong 
police  state. 

On  the  other  hand  the  1830  revolution  at  Paris  affected  Baden.  In  the 
second  chamber  the  demands  for  freedom  of  the  press  became  more  and  more  stormy, 
and  the  discontinuance  of  the  socage  and  tithe  was  demenaded.  In  this  freer  climate 
the  the  Oberrat  d . Isr . renewed  his  requests  for  fyll  equality  of  the  jews  both 
in  the  communities  and  state  offices.  But  on  3 June  1838  the  2nd  chamber  decided 
by  a plurality  vote  that  a equality  fo  jewish  inhabitants  with  the  Christians, 
for  full  political  rights  could  not  yet  take  place.  In  the  law  " About  the 
rights  of  the  local  citizen  ( Gerne indebuerger)  and  the  aquisition  of  citizenship" 
that  removed  the  old  differences  between  Schutz  and  other  citizens  the  Israelites 
were  excluded  as  the  only  part  of  the  population.  What  an  odd  irony:  The  first 
conservative  chamber  was  ready  to  remove  this  last  hurdle  of  the  jews  to  full 
emancipation,  the  most  liberal  of  all  Landtage  (state  parliament-tr ) that 
Baden  had  in  it's  historyrefused.  This  odd  liberalism  that  established  itself 
in  Baden  with  the  accession  of  Leopold,  and  particularly  in  the  persons  of  Prof. 
C.v.Rotteck  (1775-1868)  & the  church  councillor  (Kirchenrat)  H.E.G. Paulus 
became  an  example  of  liberalism  for  Germany. 

Welcker  formulated  the  refusal  of  the  jewish  equalisation  demands  as  follows: 
Christianity  does  more  to  shape  than  a religion  to  shape  the  proper  direction  of 
will  on  the  earth,  the  proper  basic  principle  or  the  life-force  and 


43 


not  the  despotic  & theocratic  constitution,  but  that  of  the  free  'Rechtsstaat' 
(state  of  laws-tr)  , the  precedence  of  the  proven  free  belief  of  conscience  or 
the  free  morality.  (Tr.Note:  Turgid  language  of  the  period).  This  is  the 
effect  of  the  rationalism  of  the  18th  century  that  combined  the  moral  freedom 
of  the  individual  and  the  civil  freedom  of  all  with  the  theology  of  nationalistic 
Protestantism,  and  that  sought  the  fusion  of  all  life  with  Christian  ideology. 

This  resulted  in  an  apparently  insoluble  difference  between  Christian 
and  Jewish  nationality,  that  in  a inquiry  fo  the  2.  chamber  to  a still  to  be 
installed  synod  found  it's  expression.  This  inquiry  contained  the  suggestion  ^ 
that  the  jews  of  Baden  were  to  abolish  all  the  rules  of  rest  & food,  circumcision, 
and  their  'national'  tongue.  Ten  years  after  this  the  jews  can  be  admitted  fully 
into  the  fabric  of  the  state  without  limitation,  if  then  approved.  The  Oberrat 
declared  in  this  decisive  situation  in  superior  fashion  that  with  religous 
views  no  games  can  be  played. 

A petition  signed  by  1,315  jews  of  the  whole  country  in  1846  demanded  the  full 
equalisation  of  all  jews  as  well  as  the  voiding  of  the  still  existing  exceptions 
in  community  laws.  On  21  August  1846  the  2.Baden  chamber,  newly  elected,  after 
six  denials,  voted  the  acceptance  of  the  petition.  However  it  didn't  become  law 

for  a long  time. 

Following  the  upswing  of  the  early  thirties  conditions  followed  that  were 
common  ubder  Ludwig.  The  old  depressing  athmosphere  remained  that  would  find 
expression  in  the  unrests  of  1848. 

Situation  in  Kirchen: 

1839  the  application  for  Schutzbuergertum  was  denied  to  Abraham  Moses:  Since 
Abraham  Moses  follows  a trade  listed  as  Nothandel  under  par. 19  of  the  edict  of 
13  Jan.  1809,  but  Nothandel  is  not  acceptable  as  a trade  with  which  a family  can 
be  supported,  that  the  applicant...  not  possess  the  lawfully  required  charac- 
teristics... therefor  petition  as  Schutzbuerger  is  denied. 

With  similar  reasonings  acceptance  of  several  persons  was  denied  in  the  years 
1841  7 later.  How  prepared  jews  of  Kirchen  were  to  participate  in  communal 
affairs  is  proven  by  the  following  letter,  composed  by  the  Synagogenrat  and 

addressed  to  the  Goneinderat  Kirchen: 

The  local  Israelites  are  not  required  in  case  of  a fire  in  this  village 

to  assist  in  the  dousing  of  same  fire.  They  have  always  done  this  of  free 
will,  and  yet  were  always  ready  to  aid  in  this  matter  and  spared  no  effort. 
Meanwhile  we  always  felt  that  it  woul:d  be  better  when  one  is  not  roiced  tw 
certain  things  and  be  unable  to  avoid  it,  then  when  done  of  free  will.  Our 
petition  is  to  the  Bezirksamt,  to  so  delegate  the  local  jews  as  the  Christians 

by  the  dousing  of  a fire  but  is  not  yet  the  case  with  the  jews. 


44 


More  openness  and  social  engagement  on  the  part  of  it's  citizens  can 
hardly  be  wished  by  any  state  or  community  of  it's  citizens.  Nevertheless 
the  most  elementary  civil  right  was  repeatedly  refused,  in  the  community  to 
be  on  a legal  par  with  the  Christian  neighbors.  As  we  now  approach  1848  we  touch 
an  important  epoch  for  the  history  of  Baden  and  the  jews.  For  Kirchen  I wish 
to  detail  the  situation  of  the  Jewish  population  of  Kirchen  in  1848  and  the 
immigration  and  emigration  tendenciesof  this  period,  until  the  events  of  1848 
affect  the  Judengemeinden  of  the  Markgraeflerland.  1848  the  j .congregation 
Kirchen  had  147  souls;  equal  to  14.45%  of  the  total  population  of  1,017.  Of 
these  53.5%  were  men  & 46.5%  women.  59.5%  of  the  J.congr.were  under  30  years 
of  age.  Only  4.14%  were  over  60.  Statistically  the  average  family  of  Kirchen 
jews  was  of  4.77  heads.  The  occupational  structure  was  as  follows: 30%  of  all  jews 
were  in  trade  or  commerce.  9.38%  were  'private'  or  such  without  specific  training 
for  a trade  or  occupation.  2.34%  worked  as  laborers.  The  children  and  school- 
children = 35.16%,  the  hosuewives  = 16%  of  the  Jewish  population.  Therefor  61% 
were  not  of  the  truly  producing  and  working  part  of  the  population. 

Between  1848  & 1864  18  persons  immigrated.  This  immigration  was  not  generally 
made  attractive  due  to  economic  or  occupational  reasons.  Already  the  high  proportion 
of  women  (2/3)  of  all  immigrants  proves  that  this  concerns  people  willing  to  marry. 
The  areas  from  where  these  immigrants  came  reached  from  Endingen,  Canton  Aargau 
with  7,  by  way  of  the  alsation  congregations  Hegenheim  & Sierenz,  from  whence 
came  1 each,  to  the  j .congregation  in  Baden:  Sulzburg,  Muellheim,  Kippenheim, 
Ihringen,  Breisach,  Emmendingen,  Altdorf,  Friesenheim  & Gailingen. 

In  this  period  15  people  emigrated  per  documentation. 

The  years  1848/49 

Prehistory:  In  France  a new  revolution  broke  out  Febr.1848  the  removed  the  last 
remains  of  the  so-called  citizen-monarchy.  The  spark  jumped  over  to  Germany.  Big 
things  were  involved:  removal  of  press  censorship,  unified  laws,  the  creation  of 
a central  german  government  run  by  elected  representatives  of  the  people. 

This  awakening  was  strengthened,  under  the  colors  black-red-gold,  by  a desire  for 
a free  constitution  as  well  as  a famine,  the  first  in  30  years.  The  Baden 
administration  tried  to  alleviate  it  by  the  production  of  so-called  'Mischbrot' 

(mixed  bread-tr),  a mass  baled  of  ground  beets  and  other  substances.  But  the  hungry 
who  even  in  better  times  were  the  underpriviledged  cried  after  those  responsible 
for  the  catastrophy,  the  owners.  There  were  owners  galore,  but  tne  mignt  of  tne 
aristrocracy  and  the  upper  classes  was  too  great,  so  they  held  them  free  of  blame 
but  went  after  those  who  were  felt  to  have  might  but  actually  often  had  no  more 

than  the  underpriviledged,  the  jews. 


45 


So  began  the  unrests  in  Baden  of  March  1848  with  attacks  against  the  jews. In 
Muellheim  there  were  riots  on  4/5  March  1848  against  the  Jewish  congregation. 
The  Freiburger  Zeitung  reported :... the  jews  aren't  suitable  for  our  enlightened 
times... so  in  Muellheim  a wagon  full  of  heavy  stones  was  taken  from  one  end 


of  the  city  to  the  other  with  which  the  front  doors  and  the  houses  of  the  jews 
were  bombarded.  When  a jew,  frightened  by  the  preparations  asked  a Christian 
neighbor  with  whom  he  was  friendly  what  was  going,  he  was  told:  Nothing  much, 
they're  only  going  to  break  the  doors  and  windows,  then  they'll  go  again. 

In  neighboring  alsation  villages  similar  scenes  took  place.  Infected 
the  general  revolutionary  spirit  of  the  time,  beginning  March  1848  the  peasants 
of  Upper  Alsace  vented  their  spleen  against  the  jews.  These  fled  in  masses  to 


the  Swiss  border  congregations. 

In  Norther  Baden,  particualrly  the  manors  of  the  Odenwald,  where  the  need 
was  greatest,  peasants  plundered  the  Jewish  settlements  whose  inhabitants  were 
least  able  to  defend  themselves.  Notes  and  mortgages  were  demended  back,  their 
property  distributed,  and  not  infreguently  the  houses  set  afire.  The  jews,  to- 
gether with  their  actual  opponents,  the  manor  owners  of  the  first  chamber  of  the 
Baden  government,  the  first  victims  of  the  revolution.  So  they  were,  if  even  to 
a sdmall  degree,  victims  and  adherents  of  the  revolt.  Two-facedness  here  and 
there  in  teh  aims  of  the  revolution:  One  face,  that  of  the  idealists,  the  educated 
and  upper  classes,  was  represented  in  the  Paulskirche  in  Frankfurt.  This  group 
wanted  to  change  the  present,  dark  police  state  to  a enlightened,  economically 
and  politically  free  future.  Then  the  face  of  the  'volk',  hemmed  in  by  decress, 
laws,  taxes  and  assessments,  depressed  by  prejudice  and  superstition,  and 
tortured  by  hunger  and  want. 

What  was  the  political  view  of  the  Jewish  population? 

It  can  be  stated  with  assurance  that  -he  jews  as  a totality  were  neither  able 
nor  willing  to  participate  in  political  life  during  the  'Vormaerz'  (early  March-tr). 
It  appears  that  before  the  1848  revolution  only  a small  proprtion  had  any 
interest  in  politics.  This  was  due  not  only  that  they  awaited  their  full 
anancipation  - still  - and  the  only  slowly  proceeding  improvement  in  their 


economic,  social  & spiritual  structure. 

As  for  the  economic  view  as  well  as  the  intellectual  view  of  the  jews  befoer 
1848,  it  must  be  said  that  they  largely  held  to  the  traditional  ways  of  Jewish 
life.  The  question  of  emcincipation  and  the  already,  in  certain  circles  begun 
reform  of  Judaism,  found  little  appeal  with  the  majority  of  the  Jewish  population. 
For  that  reason  a miniscule  number  were  prepared  to  aprticipate  in  political  life. 
So  they  jews  became  divided  in  two  directions: 


a)  The  Orthodox  who  in  the  existing  authoritarian  state  saw  the  expression  of 


46 


a sensible  set  of  laws,  an  unchangeable  world  order  based  equally  on  right 
and  morality,  for  'they  don't  defy,  theyfeel  the  right,  the  wisdom,  the  morality 
of  their  fellow  man,  but  above  all  the  protection  of  the  Highest.' 

This  majority  of  the  orthodox  jews  viewed  the  fealty  to  the  rulers  from  a 
religous  view  and  the  authority  set  up  to  be  followed  as  a profane  duty. 
b)  Reform  judaism  had  already  distanced  itself  largely,  but  aside  from  the  large 
congregations  of  Mannheim  & Karlsruhe,  remained  a minority  in  Baden. 

The  theoretically  & politically  simplest  resolution  of  this  difference 
was  also  the  most  difficult:  Total  absorpiton  in  'Deutschtum'  ( German ism-tr ) . 

But  the  will  to  abolish  the  Christian  corporate  state  and  administration  was 
espoused  by  most  politically  active  jews  and  became  the  basis  between  them  and 
the  german  liberals.  The  jews  seeking  equality  saw  in  the  principles  of  the 
Christian  & corporate  state  the  main  hindrance  to  full  integration  into  german 
life,  and  therefor  the  thought  of  total  equality  & freedom  was  of  primary  impor- 
tance. We  read  of  this  combination  in  a letter  of  Leopold  Zunz  of  1833:"  The 
cause  of  teh  jews  triumphs  in  the  same  measure  and  also  in  the  same  epoch  as  that 
of  the  general  liberation". 

Gabriel  Riesser,  the  great  fighter  for  jewish  emancipation  and  advocate 
of  teh  german  jews  did  not  see  judaism  & germanism  as  opposing  lifestyles. 

According  to  him  they  should  complement  each  other  like  father  & mother  in  the 
life  of  a child.  This  view,  that  only  considers  the  generally  religous  element,  he 
propounded  in  a slogan  that  repeatedly  appears  in  his  writings:  " A father  in 
the  heights,  a mother  we  have,  God,  the  father  of  all,  our  mother  Germany". 

The  Situation  of  Jew-Laws  1848 

Febr.1848  delegate  L.  Brentano  (1813-1891)  of  the  second  chamber  of  the  Baden 
parliament  made  a petition  for  " the  immediate  provision  of  jews  into  the  full 
benefits  of  all  civil  rights".  In  the  session  of  2. March  1848  the  second  chamber 
decided,  based  on  a report  of  delegate  Welcker,to  request  the  administration 
to  explain  "that  a citizen  of  the  state  ( Staatsbuerger ) belonging  to  a particular 
religion  be  eliminated,  and  the  parliaments  be  supplied  with  a proposed  law". 

The  Grand  Duke  declared  on  4 March  that  he  would  discuss  the  important 
and  contemporary  wishes  with  the  chief  of  the  Interior  Ministry,  Staatsrat  Bekk, 
the  president  of  the  chamber,  Mittermaier,  and  then  make  a satisfactory  reply. 

Under  the  press\ire  of  events  it  occurred  on  the  same  day , and  the  letter  says : . . . 
...The  administration  is  ready  to  rpovide  parliament  with  proposed  laws  in 

. . 1-1 1 1 4-  T 1 K^rr>V^Q  nf  rplimon... 

cn©  iriaiudueu  - 

...Highest  Himself  (his  royal  highness  the  Grand  Duke)  hopes  that  the  second 

chamber  appreciating  this,  to  continue  in  this  upsetting  time  to  quiet  the 
populations  demands  so  that  the  people,  confident  of  his  R. Highness  and  his 


47 


government,  remember  that  under  lawful  order  alone  can  liberty  thrive,  and 
will  hold  down  any  opposiiton.  Herewith  to  light  the  way  in  this  time  will 
foster  Baden's  good  fortune  and  allow  it  to  reach  it's  greatest  glory. 

In  the  session  of  16  March  Staatsrat  Bekk  at  the  request  of  the  State  ministry 
gave  the  2nd. chamber  a proposed  law  with  the  following  content:  Art.l:  The  1st 
art.  fo  par. 9 of  the  constitution  receives  the  following  structure:  All  citizens 
( Staatsbuerger ) without  regard  to  religion  have  the  same  right  to  all  civil  and 
military  posts  as  well  as  church  offices". 

Art. 2:  Par. 19  of  the  constitution  receives  the  following  construction: "The 
political  rights  of  all  religions  are  equal". 

Art. 3:  Par. 37.1  of  the  constitution  is  voided.  This  voided  law  read  as  follows: 

"To  be  named  delegate....  can  be  anyone  belonging  to  one  of  the  three  Christian 
religions " . 

This  revision  concerned  only  the  'staatsbuerger liehe'  (state  citizen-tr)  rights 
but  not  the  ' Gerne indebuergerli ehe ' (comm\anity  citizen-tr)  emancipation  of  the 
jews,  since  '...  a law  over  the  communal  emancipation/equality  needs  careful 
thought  and  considerationof  the  individual  interests  of  the  commianities  and 
their  Christian  inhabitants,  if  at  least  for  the  moment  great  injustices  and 
injuries  are  to  avoided,  that  could  only  increase  the  suspicion  and  the  hatred 
against  the  Israelites  and  so  worsen  their  situation  instead  of  bettering  it'. 
(Commission  report  of  delegate  Zittel).  On  13  May  the  2nd  chamber  passed  the  law 
with  one  contrary  vote. 

The  first  chamber  voted  only  14  to  4 for  the  new  law.  Domkapitular (canon-tr) 
V.  Hirscher  commented :... that  a Christian  people,  without  difference  or  concern 
for  their  religion  shall  trust  the  laws  and  the  administration  is  unreasonable 
and  goes  against  the  innermost  feelings  against  whom  this  is  aimed,  who  on 
the  basis  of  his  Christianity  feels  himself  higher,  and  so  not  to  have  the 

lower  jews  or  heathen  as  giver  of  laws  and  judges Nevertheless  the  cannission 

does  not  speak  against  the  new  law  because  it  is  believed  that  in  time  this 
will  come  out.  Because  of  this  I had  to  mention  the  serious  considerations  and 
reservations  re  the  new  law. 

As  per  the  law  of  the  Frankfurt  National  Assembly  of  the  German  People  of 
27  Dec.  1848,  the  new  law  of  17  Febr.1849  was  passed  opening  the  way  for  jews  to  the 
national  representation  (Volksvertretung).  The  State  ministry  decided  to  void 
par.  13  of  the  Gemeindeordnung  (communal  laws-tr)  of  1831  that  up  to  now  excluded 
jews  from  the  buergermaster  and  town  council  offices. 


48 


The  Revolution  Of  1848 


"With  deepest  pain  shared  by  all  true  friends  of  free  people  and  the  fatherland 
we  receive  news  that  the  days  which  were  to  have  released  our  people  from  the 
pressure  of  bondage  of  decades / even  centuries,  were  to  be  desecrated  by  blind 
destructive  mania  and  the  endangerment  of  the  persons  and  property  of  our  fellow 
citizens  of  mosaic  belief,  that  the  glowing  light  of  freedom  shall  be  sullied 
because  of  shameful  excesses.  Fellow  citizens!  It  is  the  holy  duty  of  each  honor- 
able man  who  doesn't  play  with  the  word  liberty.  ••  .to  go  against  such  cruel 
beginnings.  Only  servants  of  the  reaction  or  misled  people  will  lend  a hand 
to  persecution  of  jews,  that  they  never  could  in  a free  country,  but  certainly 
could  under  despotism" . 


After  these  plain  words  of  Hecker  of  8 March  1848  one  would  actually  assume  that 
the  jews  of  the  congregations  of  Baden  would  volunteer  enmasse  to  the  citizen 
soldiers  of  Struve,  Blind  or  the  German  Legion  of  Herwegh.  None  of  the  groups 
represented  in  the  Baden  Landtag  had  so  plainly  spoken  for  the  jews.  But  when 
In  Pnankfurt  enough  talking  was  done  and  nothing  achieved,  hecker  in  April  1848 
went  to  the  Seekreis  and  organized  his  volunteer  troops  (Freischaerler )with 
which  he  moved  to  the  Markgraeflerland  between  18  & 20  April,  there  was  hardly 
a jew  among  them.  The  great  majority  of  jews  followed  the  striving  for  a united 
Germany,  in  which  they  too  were  to  have  the  Ortsbuergerrecht,with  good  will,  but 
at  the  smae  time  stood  against  a politics  of  force.  Law  and  order  remained  the 
slogan  during  the  revolution  too.  they  joined  the  civic  organizations  and  the 
militia  ( Buergerwehr ) , and  participated  in  actions  in  order  to  legally  fight  the 
discriminating  laws.  On  the  other  hand  messianic  believers  in  the  first  months 
of  1848  to  see  a messianic  manifestation,  that  the  messianic  age  was  at  hand. 
Leopold  Zunz  opined  that  the  worlds  justice  for  the  oppressors  was  at  hand  and 
the  day  of  the  Lord  had  come.  " Not  long,  and  Messias,  for  whom  prayers  were 
said  for  millenia,  has  appeared,  and  our  fatherland  is  given  us:  But  the  Messia 
is  freedom,  our  fatherland  Germany." 

This  revolutionary  messianism  showed  two  results:!)  Full  legal  acceptance  of 
Judaism  (as  a religion  or  'Konfession')  and  2)  conscious  breaking  away  from 
tribal  ties.  Even  as  in  over  22  places  in  Baden  there  were  excesses  against  jews. 


-a  *1  rMn  T nOCnTOTTlS  • 


P.61)  Friedrich  Rottra,  1821  - 1903 
In  Kirchen  as  in  surrounding  villages  a militia 
the  early  March  days.  That  this  was  not  only  to 


(Buergerwehr)  was  formed  in 
replace  police  and  guarantee 


49 


Order  and  quiet  is  evident  from  the  comments  of  it's  captain,  Freidrich  Rottra. 
Rottra,  who  agreed  with  the  ideas  and  aims  fo  March  1848,  but  didn't  always  agree 
with  their  execution  during  the  revolutionary  occurrences,  was  active  among 
the  volunteers  in  fighting  against  the  military  of  Baden  and  Wuertemberg,  as  well 
as  that  of  Prussia  & Hessen,  in  the  Markgraeflerland. 

He  wore  his  ' Buergerwehr— Kaeppe ' (militia  cap— tr),  a black  oilcloth  cap  with 
carmine-red  band  below  and  a german  cocarde  in  front,  proudly,  and  when  a peasant 
from  Liel  remarked  he'd  be  happy  when  all  militias  were  shot  dead,  he  hit  him  in 
the  face  with  a riding  whip,  never  engaged  in  pointless  politics.  His  militia 
was  totally  enthused  by  the  March  happenings  and  in  another  form  of  uprising 
would  have  been  totally  at  one  with  the  Baden  military  and  the  retention  of 
the  monarchy.  This  Buergerwehr  counting  60  men  had  among  it's  members  several 
jews  of  Kirchen:  Daniel  Levi,  Veist  Bigar  (5.0), Marx  Bloch  (32.4),  Lazarus  Bloch 
(47.0)Lazarus  Bigar  (7.0)Veist  Bloch,  Bernhard  Lieberles  ( 130.0) Alexander  Bloch 
(32.3),  Herz  Bloch  (53.0). 

P.62)  Battle  on  the  Scheideck  near  Kandem,  20  April  1848 
After  the  battle  at  the  Scheideck  on  20  April,  in  which  General  von  Gagem 
was  shot  by  the  militia,  but  the  latter  fled  after  being  attacked  by  hessian 
troops,  changed  the  enthuthiasm  in  Kirchen.  Rottra  spoke....  of  the  indifference 
that  that  reigns  among  the  land  population....,  and  did  not  consider  partici- 
pation in  Heckers  corps  advisable. 

On  23  September  1848  Struve  and  his  helpers  recruited  the  militias  of  the 
villages  of  the  Markgraef lerland . Rottra  reported:  "The  other  morning  200  men 
from  Inzlingen  and  vicinity  under  'General'  Spehn  marched  into  the  village,  ... 
he  had  the  Kirchen  militia  assemble,  ca.60  men,  and  named  me  captain.  I thanked 

him  but  did  not  accept  the  position". 

The  March  went  to  Freiburg,  but  already  on  24  Sept. found  a bloody  end  at 
Staufen.  But  Rottra  reported  first:  The  leader  of  a squad  in  our  platoon,  an 
old  soldier,  but  a jew,  stopped  at  a bend  of  the  road  and  commanded: right  face, 
to  Sulzburg!  and  with  his  whole  troop  ran  to  Sulzburg  thru  the  woods.  The  following 
battle  went  terribly  for  the  militia.  Totally  disorganized,  and  weakened  by 
both  the  poor  arms  and  the  poor  leadership,  everyone  who  could  fled  as  quickly 
as  possible  for  home.  About  the  fighting  spirit  of  the  Kirchen  jews  Rottra 
mentions  nothing.  In  fact  the  jews  were  not  particularly  inspired  with  the 
aims  of  the  revolution. 

The  jews  who  were  distinguished  in  the  revolution  were  of  the  more  cultxired 
class  or  of  the  slowly  forming  proletariat  of  the  large  cities.  In  any  case  they 
were  not  from  the  majority  of  the  jewish  population,  the  small  cities  and 


the  Landgemeinden. 


50 


Teh  retention  of  law  & order,  for  which  the  few  participating  jews  repeatedly 
called  is  typical  of  the  deepest  inner  sensibility  of  this  broad  Jewish 
class.  They  were  passively  waiting  the  revolution's  course. 

P.63)  Departure  of  the  Republicans  from  Loerrach  to  the  North. 

Thus  is  the  remark  of  jews  to  be  understood:  The  jews  have  always  and  in  all 
countries  sought  to  achieve  the  long  denied  equality  of  rights. . .only  through 
legal  means  and  the  sense  of  justice  of  the  regimes  and  the  princes,  never  and 
nowhere  by  means  of  force.  The  jews  were  always  amongst  the  most  loyal  subjects 
of  the  Grand  Duke  and  the  fatherland. 

A few  orthodox  congregaitons  in  Baden  declared  April  1848  that  they 
would  renounce  all  political  rights  in  order  to  avoid  unrest  that  could  only 
endanger  people  and  possessions. 

Even  tho  the  majority  of  the  jews  remained  reserved  towards  the  revolution 
but  that  did  not  mean  that  their  position  was  due  to  religously  conservative 
views  of  things.  It  is  to  be  assumed  that  until  the  occurrences  of  March  1848 
many  jews  hoped  for  a victory  of  freedoms.  But  as  the  hope  for  a victory  passed 
and  the  reaction  was  succeeding,  this  hope  succumbed  noticeably,  and  end  of  1848 
and  early  1849  became  a purely  spectators  view  of  affairs.  Generally  one  was 
prepared  to  forgo  revolutionary  hopes  as  economic  difficulties  and  other  reac- 
tionary repressions  took  hold. 

What  was  now  the  reason  for  the  loyalistic  passive  position  of  the  Jewish 
Population?  In  addition  to  the  desire  for  law  & order,  that  was  shared  with  most 
politicians,  remained  the  fear  of  anti-jewish  disorders  with  teh  outbreak  of  the 
revolution.  Particularly  in  the  small  Landgemeinden  the  revolutionary  happenings 
were  cheered  by  the  local  populace  in  the  streets  while  the  jews  fearfully  locked 
themselves  in  their  houses.  Also  it  was  asumed  that  equality  would  produce  a strong 
anti-jewish  feeling  in  the  country  towns.  This  unfriendly  position  of  the 
country  people  vs.  the  jews  had  it's  basis  in  economic  competition-thinking. 

So  the  craftsmen  and  small  business  people  were  less  concerned  with  the  political 
emancipation  of  the  jews  than  with  competitive  equality.  With  the  worry  about 
economic  security  an  additional  fear  was  reenforced  that  accompanied  the  revo- 
lution: The  fear  of  communism,  however  one  understood  this.  The  first  fear  of 
communism  appeared  early  June  1848  when  news  of  the  street  fighting  in  Paris 
reached  our  land.  It's  peal  came  during  the  September  fighting,  and  again  in 

1 P/IQ  HnK-inrr  ■f-ho  7-ioonl  eat?  roVv=11inn  in  Baden. 

The  fear  of  the  expected  reactionary  aftermath  of  the  revolution  caused 
a progranmatic  reaction  of  the  Jewish  population,  which  doubtless  explains  also 
why  the  protests  of  the  jews  were  not  more  pronounced  when  the  reaction  caused 
the  equalitisation  of  the  jews  to  be  cast  in  doubt. 


51 


This  previously  mentioned  change  of  opinion  is  expressed  in  the  local  Kirchen 
circumstances  particularly  in  the  election  results  to  the  german  parliament 
1848  and  the  Landtag  (Baden  Parlmt.-tr)  1850.  Teh  complete  lists  of  voters 
listing  whom  they  voted  for  prove  the  aforementioned  development. 

The  Election  of  1848 

After  the  march  rebellion  elctions  were  held  for  the  2nd. chamber  of  the  Baden 
Landtag.  Kirchen  with  996  inhabitants  had  to  choose  2 delegates.  There  were  a 
total  of  180  men  who  were  older  than  25,  among  them  25  jews,  13.9%,  of  the 
voters  eligible.  The  portion  of  jews  of  the  total  population  was  14.2  %. 

Evaluation  of  Election  Results 

The  voting  of  the  jews  of  Kirchen  hardly  differs  from  that  of  all  eligible 
voters.  So  Friedrich  Rottra  is  elected  'Wahlmann'  (delegate,  elector-tr)  just 
about  equally  by  the  Christians  (42  %)  and  the  jews  (46  %) . Rottra,  who  can  be 
considered  a moderate  republican,  supported  the  goals  of  the  1848  revolution 
particularly  in  the  matter  of  freedom  of  the  press,  the  unification  of  all  of 
Germany  under  the  colors  black-red-gold,  the  abolition  of  the  police  and  gendarmerie 
regime  of  v.Blittersdorf . Of  course  he  did  not  see  his  way  in  that  chosen  by 
Struve  & Hecker.  Judging  by  these  election  results  and  the  political  position 
of  the  voters,  particuarly  that  of  the  voting  jews,  one  can  at  least  see  a striving 
toward  the  main  aims  of  the  ongoing  revolution  and  an  aversion  of  the  current 
policeand  informer  regime. Of  course  one  may  never  forget  that  in  towns  of  this 
size  people  were  elected,  with  political  aims  secondary. 

The  elction  of  Johann  Herter  produced  differing  results.  He  was  elected  by  a 
total  of  16%  of  voters,  but  only  8%  of  the  jews.  If  he  as  buergermeister  from 
1842-1845  lost  the  jews  sympathy  cannot  be  ascertained. 

However  the  third-placed  J.G. Mueller  received  15%  of  the  total  vote,  20%  of  the 
jews.  Mueller  replaced  Herter  as  Buergermeister  until  1848.  The  he  assumed 
Rottra 's  post  as  Amtsschreiber  (Town  Clerk-tr). 

The  1850  Election  to  the  Landtag 

F. Rottra  and  J.G. Mueller,  favored  by  the  jews  still  in  1848,  received  none 
of  theri  votes,  whereas  the  then  un-elected  G.F. Schmidt  now  received  9 of  the 
total  17  jews  votes,  roughly  53%.  J.F. Schmutz  who  in  1848  received  only  4%  of 
the  jewish  vote  now  got  30%  this  election. 

A plain  reversal  of  the  voters  will  is  noticable  after  the  failed  revolution 
of  1848  and  the  reappearance  of  the  reactionary  forces  in  Baden  at  this  election. 

The  Income  Condition  of  the  Kirchen  Jews  1848  - 1850 

A side  result  of  this  study  of  the  voting  documents  is  the  insight  given  to  the 
income  situation  of  the  jews  1848  - 1850.  1849  the  189taxpayers  paid  to  the 
comnunity  of  Kirchen  1,775.47  fl.in  taxes.  That  equals  9.55  fl.  per  man. 


52 


The  27  jews  of  the  community  altogether  paid  167.08  fl. taxes,  or  6.19  fl. 
per  man.  The  jews  paid  9.4%  of  the  total  community  taxes,  and  comprised  14.5% 
of  the  population.  At  this  time  they  were  still  not  economically  on  a par 
with  the  rest  of  the  population. 

1850  the  following  holds  true:  the  total  tax  income  of  the  civil  commu- 
nity Kirchen  was  2,490  fl.  (261  tax  payers)  = 9.54  fl.  per  head  (this  includes 
the  taxpayers  of  the  community  Eimeldingen) . The  26  jews  entitled  to  vote  paid 
a total  tax  of  217.74  fl  = 8.37  per  man.  Therefor  the  jews  raised  their  taxable 
income  over  26  % in  two  years. 

The  reason  for  this  increase  may  be  due  to,  for  the  Kirchen  jews  politically 
stable  but  reactionary  situation  of  the  Grand  Duchy  Baden,  that  fostered 
economic  comfort. 

The  eligible  voters  of  1850  were  divided  in  three  groups  that  were  again 
regrouped  depending  taxable  income.  The  first  group  consisted  of  22  voters  with 
an  average  tax  liability  of  38.28  fl.per  man.  Among  them  was  one  jew  whose  tax 
was  21.16  fl.  This  is  4.5%  of  the  total  group. 

In  the  second  group  are  64  votersaveraging  12.99  fl.tax  liability.  9 jews  were 
among  these  with  an  average  tax  of  12.9  fl.  The  jews  were  14%  of  the  group. 

The  third  group  consisted  of  the  majority  of  eligible  voters,  175  © 4.67  fl. 
per  head,  whereas  the  16  jews  among  them  paid  5.01  fl.,  9.1%  of  the  group. 

The  Unrests  of  1849 

Even  tho  Baden  recognized  the  Frankfurt  constitution  on  May  11,1849  the  troops 
in  the  federal  fortress  of  Rastatt  mutinied.  On  14  May  the  Grand  Duke  fled  to 
Alsace,  then  to  Mainz.  Teh  revolutionary  committee  seized  power  and  was  replaced 
on  1 June  by  the  provisional  administration  under  L. Brentano,  A.  Goegg,  & F. Sigel. 
They  were  recognized  withour  disturbance  and  held  elections  for  a constituional 
commission.  The  Grand  Ducal  administration  from  Mainz  asked  for  help  from  the 
Reich  authority  in  Frankfurt,  and  then  directly  from  Prussia  for  military  aid. 

Ef ringen  & Kirchen  played  entirely  different  roles  by  this  people's  uprising 
in  Badne,  that  was  more  nearly  a military  revolt.  Ef  ringen  was  named  as  the 
principal  seat  of  the  rebels  that  practiced  terrorism  in  the  near  vicinity. 

There  the  irregulars  met  on  the  eve  of  the  battle  of  Riedl  ingen  (24  June  '49) 
against  the  approaching  'foreign'  troops.  In  Ef  ringen  the  members  of  the  revo- 
lutionary parties  met  from  all  nearby  towns  and  demanded  that  the  loyal  troops 
inin  the  revolutionary  army.  People  like  the  teacher  Duschilio  openly  espoused 
the  peoples  group  and  it's  revolutionary  goals,  as  did  the  engineer  Fischer  who 
had  already  fought  1848  and  celebrated  when  it  became  known  that  the  Prince  of 

Prussia  habe  been  taken  prisoner  by  the  revolutionary  army. 


53 


After  the  uprisings  in  the  Markgraeflerland  were  guelled  a grave-like  still- 
ness reigned.  The  individual  communities  were  now  taxed  according  to  their 
loyalty  by  Oberamtsmann  Exter  at  Loerrach.  Most  of  the  communities  in  the 
Loerrach  Bezirk  (district-tr ) had  been  ill  disposed  and  risen  up,  among  them 
Loerrach,  Steinen,  Huesingen,  Inzlingen,  Weil,  also  Ef ringen.  In  the  latter  the 
first  revolutionary  'Volksverein'  was  formed. 

Kirchen  was  listed  among  the  loyal  communities  because  of  hewing  to  the  consti- 
tution. However  this  judgement  is  not  totally  comprehensible,  since  at  this 
time  men  lived  and  acted  there  against  whom  prosecutions  were  instituted. 

Parson  Friedrich  Heinrich  Lammert,  bom  Mannheim,  at  Kirchen  1845  - 1851, 
openly  asked  for  allegiance  to  the  provisional  regime  and  in  the  closing  prayer 
didn't  mention  the  Grand  Duke  but  the  prov. administration.  Notary  heinrich  Rupp, 
who  had  already  fled  1848,  was  among  those.  He  actively  participated  at  the  Struve 
putsch,  fled  after  it's  overthrow  to  foreign  parts,  and  1851  was  sentenced  to 
6 years  prison  in  absentia. 

On  teh  otehr  hand  there  is  also  proof  that  Kirchen  followed  the  good  an  loyal 
path.  So  in  July  1849  the  house  of  the  former  Sonnenwirt  Buergin  was  encircled 

by  the  militia  because  the  second  son  of  Buergin  refused  to  join  the  provi- 
sional revolutionary  army.  The  coomunity  of  Kirchen  decided:  In  view  of 
the  great  political  importance  of  our  time. .. .extraordinary  means  are 
needed  to  keep  public  order  and  safety....  We  therefor  ask  that  the 
citizens  form  a provisional  militia. .. .in  the  belief  that  the  citizens 
will  do  their  civic  duty  without  fail,  under  the  following  orders: 

The  Buergerwache  (citizen  watch-tr)  is  to  consist  of  90  people  and  each 
15  constitute  a watch  that  is  to  be  on  duty  a night.  This  Buergerwache 
shall  be  militarily  trained 

This  Buergerwehr,  that  also  found  the  support  of  the  jews,  had  among 
it's  units  the  following  jews:  Veit  Bloch,  Suessmann  Lieberles,  Alexander 
Bloch,  Bernhard  Lieber les,  Lazarus  Bloch,  Alexander  Bloch,  Herz  Bloch, 

Marx  Bloch,  Lazarus  Bigar.  The  jews  of  Kirchen  appear  to  have  been  more 
enthused  with  the  constitutional  government  than  to  support  Struve  and 
Hecker  in  1848.  In  fact  here  appears  the  fact  that  in  the  small  Landge- 
meinden the  jews  preferred  the  illegal  separation  of  the  ciorrent  regime 
thcin  to  realize  a sudden  change  in  their  situation  thru  revolutionary 
mpans. 

The  decisions  of  the  Frankfurt  National  Assembly,  particularly  the 
Reichs  constitution  concerning  the  civil  - state  & local  - rights 
withount  consideration  of  religion  were  recognized  by  Baden  but 
generally  disregarded. 


54 


On  29  August  1849  the  rabbinate  at  Salzburg  decreed:  Re  this  years  synagogue 
celebration  of  his  royal  highness'  the  Grand  Duke's  birthday,  thanks  are  to  be 


given  for  his  return  by  the  grace  of  G'd  and  the  restitution  of  the  legal  order 
in  this  country.  (Tr.Note:  I cannot  translate  the  mellifousity  of  the  german). 


A really  liberal  era  began  in  Baden  vith  Grand  Duke  Friedrich  I (1856  - 
1907)  giving  rise  to  the  appellation  'liberal  example  country'.  The  law  spon- 
sored by  August  Lamey  (1816-1896)  on  20  Jan. 1861  re  the  civil  equality  fo  the 
israelites  gave  the  jews  of  Baden  full  equality  in  all  rights  with  all  other 


citizens  after  53  years  of  experimantation  with  useless  laws.  Since  1862  no 
Landtag  in  Baden  had  to  concern  itself  with  the  civil  rights  of  jews. 

Geheimrat  Lamey  argued  at  the  final  vote,  which  passed  with  only  three  against. 


"A  russian  or  some  other  foreigner  is  routinely  accepted  as  citizen,  and  with  all 
rights,  including  the  right  to  common  land.  The  jew  is  excluded  only  because  of 
his  religion,  and  that  must  be  stopped.  The  troubles  will  return  even  if  the 


passage  of  the  law  is  delayed." 

However  unrests  broke  out  in  the  larger  jewish  ccxnmunities  of  Baden.  In 
the  'Karlsruher  Anzeiger'  of  21  Febr.1862:  In  our  Amtsbezirk  (Loerrach)  people 
are  very  upset  against  the  emancipation  of  the  jews.  In  Sulzburg  this  resulted 
in  windows  being  bro'  at  jewish  homes  in  the  past  nights.  In  order  to  prevent 
similar  occvurrences  v.ae  Gendarmerie  at  Muellheim  was  ordered  to  Sulzburg  for 
tonight.  The  people  still  don't  feel  the  jews  should  be  equal  for  the  old  reasons 
and  is  of  the  opinion  they  are  to  self -emancipate  themselves  morally  first. 

Such  unfortunate  demonstrations  are  to  be  expected. 

The  years  about  1862  brought  the  highest  population  numbers  of  jews  living  in 
Baden  in  it's  history.  In  the  Markgraeflerland  the  development  was  somewhat 
different.  The  two  largest  congregations,  Muellheim  & sulzburg  in  1864  had  422 
resp.  412  jews,  the  highest  number,  and  by  the  next  census,  1875,  are  down  by  79, 
resp.99  persons.  Kirchen  & Loerrach 's  jewish  population  increased  by  1873  frcxn 
1864  from  174  to  192,  resp.  191  to  248. 

The  reason  for  this  somewhat  odd  development  curve  is  to  be  found  in  the  nearness 
of  the  city  of  Freiburg  to  Muellheim  & Sulzburg,  that  only  with  the  full  ananci- 
pation  really  opened  it's  city  gates  to  jews,  and  immediately  became  a heavy 


drain  on  the  Landjuden  from  there.  The  similary  to  Freiburg  was  Basel  for  the 
upper  Markgraeflerland,  but  that  only  because  of  heavy  intrervention  by  the  jews 
fo  southern  Baden  to  the  Grand  Ducal  administration,  1864,  as  the  jews  had  gotten 
teh  free  right  to  settle,  equally  to  rne  tnj.et:  uiu-iaticui  vlciiwuij-iiulxonz,  and  cc 
somewhat  later  became  a magnet  to  jews  from  Loerrach  & Kirchen. 

In  1864  only  three  jews  emigrated  from  Kirchen  to  Basel,  whereas  from 


1865  to  1899  18  did  so. 


55 


In  1864  the  population  statistic  for  the  Jewish  congregation  Kirchen  was: 

Of  the  174  members  56  % were  men,  44%  women.  56%  were  under  30,  32%  between  30 


& 60,  12%  over  60. 

Occupationally  there  was  change  since  1848,  in  the  greater  number  of  business 
people  or  traders,  from  27%  (1848)  to  37%  (1864).  Remainins  almost  constant 
was  the  percentage  of  those  livng  on  private  means  (Privatier)  or  who  made  their 
living  without  actually  having  had  any  training.  The  number  of  school  children 
went  down  from  35  % to  30%.  But  the  number  of  non-producing  and  not  working 
reamined  at  about  60%  as  in  1848. 


Flight  From  The  Land  And  Beginning  Decline  (1864  - 1932) 

The  time  from  1862  to  the  mid  70s  is  often  regarded  as  the  second  liberal  era 
in  Baden.  The  theoretical  eguality  of  the  jews  was  slowly  coming  into  practice. 

In  this  time  the  first  jews  were  appointed  to  judgesships  and  as  states  attorneys. 
1870  the  Orientalist  Gustav  Weil  was  the  first  called  to  teach  at  a university  in 
Baden.  1870  at  Gailingen  the  first  Jewish  buergermeister,  Leopold  Guggenheim, 
was  elected.  1868  Grand  Duke  Friedrich  I appointed  the  Durlach  attorney  Moritz 
Ellstaetter  to  be  finance  minister  of  Baden,  the  highest  office  held  to  date  by 
a german  jew.  Ellstaetter ' s reform  of  the  government  of  Baden  was  to  serve  as  an 
example  for  all  of  Germany.  In  this  period  four  jews  became  members  of  the  Baden 
Landtag.  Naphtalie  Naef  for  Freiburg,  Elias  Eller  for  Mannheim,  Jakob  Gutmann  for 
Karlsruhe  and  R.  Kusel.  1877-1880  Naef  represented  Loerrach  in  the  Landtag. 

Politically  the  development  followed  other  paths  after  1858,  following  the 
disappointing  results  of  the  1848/49  revolution. 

In  Baden  the  pressure  of  the  reaction  had  relaxed  to  such  a point  that  the 

liberals  could  talk  to  the  government  and  work  together  constitutionally  and 

could  hope  for  a moderate  reform  program.  The  large  participation  of  the  jews 

in  political  life  was  particularly  noticable  in  election  campaigns  and  parliament. 

An  approxi,ate  overview  of  the  change  in  politics  in  Germany  during  the  'new  era' 

showa  the  following:  Conservatives,  Loyalists  14% 

Moderate  Liberals  50% 

Democrats/Progressives  35% 

Socialists  1% 


The  great  majority  of  the  german  jews  welcomed  the  new  german  Reich,  and  the 
national-liberal  party  solved  their  political  dilemma.  They  could  loyally  support 


- j 1. 1«.  A «««>>  <-»  1 


rv>  1 1 4“  *1 


DJL&iUCli.UA.  o WJ- 


They  were  egual  citizens  and  voted  with  the  german  'Buergertum'  (citizenry-tr ) 
with  new  self confidence  both  liberal  and  nationally.  Only  a small  minority  warned 
of  Bismarck's  appjarent  const i tut ionaily,  who  saw  in  the  parties  and  parliaments 


only  tools  for  his  political  plans. 


56 


The  majority  of  the  jews  held  it  a duty  to  partake  with  all  strength  in  the 
creation  of  the  new  fatherland.  This  sense  of  duty  could  not  always  and  as  a 
matter  of  course  agree  to  the  predominance  of  Prussia  in  Germany.  Particularly 
in  the  south  and  southwest  the  antipathy  against  the  prussian  hegemony  was 
guite  strong.  Here  in  Baden,  in  addition  to  the  particularistic  antipathy 
towards  Prussia  the  jews  also  had  their  special  interests  resulting  from  the 
varied  status  of  the  emancipation  in  north  & south.  Whereas  the  emancipation 
was  an  accomplished  fact  in  Baden,  in  Prussia  there  was  still  discrimination 
towards  jews  in  government  and  army.  Therefor  it  is  only  too  obvious  why  the  jews 
were  somewhat  less  than  enthusiastic  about  the  unity  of  the  greater  fatherland 
in  view  of  religous  considerations. 

The  conclusion  of  the  franco-german  war  no  doiabt  influenced  the  political 
orientation  of  the  jews  in  Baden  greatly  considering  the  nearness  of  war^?.re. 

So  opined  'der  Israelit',  the  organ  of  the  orthodox  jews  of  southern  Germany: 
Germany  is  reunited  again... no  longer  Ify  the  ravens  about  the  Kyffhaeuser,  the 
emperor's  throne...  has  become  reality. 

During  the  war  district  synagogue  authorities  ordered  daily  prayers  for  the 
victory  of  german  weapons,  as  follows: 

Prayers  of  Supplication  during  War:  In  view  of  the  war  broken  out  between 
Germany  & France,  the  resulting  in  deprivation  and  hardship,  danger  to  property 
& person,  when  Israel  in  time  of  deprivation  and  hardships  pleads  to  G'd,  and 
fo\and  salvation,  that  other  confessions  too  hold  special  prayers  and  I~'  -el 
will  not  be  found  wanting,  but  rather  to  set  a good  example: 

1)  Every  evening  at  5,  excepting  friday  and  Saturday,  as  long  as  war  goes  on  and 
one  is  not  prevented  by  extraordinary  circumstances,  prayers  will  be  held  in 
synagogue,  with  reading  of  psalms  aither  on  the  basis  of  weekly  or  monthly 
schedule . 

2)  All  adults  must  be  present  at  these  prayers  and  guietly  and  devoutly 
participate. 

For  the  Synagogenrat:  Reut linger,  Hermann  Levi. 

The  district  synaggoue  as  ordered  by  the  Oberrat  on  31  July  1870  ordered  an 
addition  to  the  regular  prayer  for  the  Grand  Duke  on  Saturday,  that  sought  the 
blessings  for  german  weapons.  At  the  same  time  the  Synagogenrat  was  requested 
that  the  members  of  the  congregations  be  asked  to  be  'willing  to  sacrifice,  to 
exercise  true  and  daily  love  of  one's  neighbor,  particularly  tor  tne  sicx  ana 
wounded,  all  in  need  & suffering.  At  the  same  time  one  is  reminded  to  follow 
all  orders  of  the  government  and  it's  representatives.' 


On  17  March  1871  it  was  decided  that  on  22  March,  the  birthday  of  h.m 


57 


the  Kaiser  and  King  of  Prussia  a special  peace  festival  was  to  be  held  by  all 
the  Israelites  in  the  country  with  synagogue  services,  after  the  ending  of 
same  a collection  was  to  be  held  to  benefit  the  invalids. 

On  19  March  1872  it  was  ordered  that  the  Kaiser's  birthday  - 22  March  - 
was  to  be  regularly  celebrated  in  synagogue. 

On  29  April  1877  the  silver  jubilee  of  the  Grand  Duke's  accession  to  the 
throne  was  celebrated  festively. 

The  the  great  majority  of  the  german  jews  the  german  Reich,  the  king  of  Prussia 
as  emperor,  the  Reichstag,  general  voting  right,  freedom  of  conscience,  equality, 
freedom  of  occupation  and  freedom  of  movement  were  now  absolute  achievements. 

The  persons  symbolizing  the  new  Reich,  the  patriarchal  figure  of  Wilhelm  I 
and  'given  us  fate'  chancellor  Bismarck,  aside  from  all  political  utilitarian 
factors  served  as  a human  factor  the  the  formation  of  Jewish  opinion.  The 
jews  were  now  after  a long  vain  wait  in  the  great  and  mighty  Reich,  fully 
germans  with  heart  and  soul  - wether  Kaiser  and  Reich,  wether  might  & glory, 
were  now  part  of  the  beloved  fatherland.  That  peaked  in  the  expression: We  german 
jews  are  germans  and  nothing  else.  The  constant  attemps  to  conceptualize  the 
connection  between  germanism  and  Judaism  finally  led  to  the  formation  of  the 
concept  " German  citizens  of  Jewish  belief".  It  defines  the  compromise  between 
their  citizenship  of  Germany  and  their  adherence  to  Judaism.  However  the  gaining 
positive  tendency  to  the  new  state  Judaism  became  more  hollow.  On  the  basis  of 
teh  changed  political  situation  one  believed  the  desire  of  Jewish  nationalism 
to  be  put  off  until  messianic  times.  The  number  of  those  who  no  longer  held  to 
the  traditional  practices  was  growing.  So  a phrase  became  symptomatic  for  this 
development:  The  cultured  jews  are  not  just  jews,  but  rather  non-christians. 

Many  jews  felt  that  their  Judaism  had  become  without  content.  The  new  values 
it  was  to  fill  were  varying  formulas  of  a secular  cultural  Protestant ism.  So  a 
syncretic  monotheism  arose  whose  only  basis  was  " the  one  father  of  all,  a love 
to  all  with  no  exception  for  those  of  toher  beliefs"  in  place  of  the  old  testa- 
ment belief  of  revelation.  Concepts  like  piety,  mission,  charity,  that  charac- 
teristically applied  to  all  religous  thinking  of  the  19th  centxiry,  replaced 
the  precept  of  love  from  3 Moses  19,18. 

The  messianic  hope  is  now  nothing  more  than  the  hope  of  the  jews  for 
integration  in  a perfecting  humanity. 

Because  of  the  economic  consequences  of  the  won  german-french  war  the 
influences  of  the  culturally  and  industrially  far  advanced  cities  spread  to 
the  small  Landgemeinden.  In  the  cities  were  greater  opportunities  for  education. 


58 


The  youth  of  the  Landgemeinden  were  most  avid  for  higher  education!  There,  in 
the  large  cities,  was  the  possibility  to  advance  economically  and  to  do  business 
on  a larger  scale.  The  hectic  advancement  of  industry  and  commerce  after 
the  franco-german  war  brought  many  not  only  work  and  bread  but  also  economic 
speculation,  that  in  these  founding  years  ( Gruender j ahre ) caused  whole 
industries  to  break  down.  This  caused  a larger  economic  crisis,  particularly 
in  northern  Germany.  In  this  climate  of  economic  depression  grew  the  anti- 
semi  tic  movement,  and  won,  starting  from  Berlin,  much  gromd  in  many  genoan 
lands.  The  already  believed  dead  anti-semitism  no  longer  was  directed  against 
the  Jewish  religion.  Too  many  jews  became  indifferent  to  their  religion  with 
the  move  to  the  big  cities  and  their  too  rapidly  advancing  assimilation.  A new 
characteristic  of  the  anti-semitic  movement  that  never  found  it's  scientific 
justification  was  the  inferiority  of  the  Jewish  race  compared  to  the  so-called 
arian  race.  The  jews  to  whom  this  attack  was  directed  remained  indifferent.  So 
one  can  ascribe  the  new  hatred  to  the  above-mentioned  depression,  the  cultural 
fight  of  Bismarck,  and  the  party-political  maneuvres  of  the  conservatives. 

Most  succinctly  expressing  the  disappointment  of  of  the  german-patriotic  jews 
was  a flier  against  the  anti-semitic  remarks  of  Heinrich  v.  Treitschke.  " As  the 
barriers  fell  we  believed  prejudice  had  fallen  too,  when  they  could  vote  they 
believed  that  they  were  truly  loved." 

The  semi-scientific  remarks  about  the  new  racial  theory  were  from  people 
with  big  names:  The  orientalist  Paul  de  Lagarde,  the  national-economist  fiugen 
Duehring,  the  orientalist  and  diplomat  Arthur  de  Gobineau,  the  hi s tor ianHe inrich 
V.  Treitschke,  and  the  Berlin  court  preacher  Adolf  Stoecker.  The  so  highly  and  widely 
esteemed  politician  & scientist  v. Treitschke  explicated  the  nationalistic  tendency 
to  the  national-liberal  jews  most  clearly.  Teh  anti-sanitic  wave  had  shaken  up  the 
jews  but  a spiritual  awakening  failed  to  appear.  The  shock  paralyzed  them  and 
man  y merely  wished  not  to  be  seen  and  considered  as  jews.  The  anti-semitism 
pushed  them  back  into  the  defensive  position  of  the  Jewish  interests  politics, 
from  which  they  had  made  their  way  into  german  politics. 

In  Baden  this  anti-sonitic  agitation  was  not  accepted  nearly  as  much  as 
in  Prussia  and  Saxony.  Nevertheless  no  Israelites  were  amde  officers  in  the  army 
under  prussian  ccnmand  and  organized  in  the  prussian  manner  since  1868. 

In  Kirchen  and  other  Jewish  ccminunities  of  the  Oberland  little  was  felt  of 
this  pseudo-scientific  anti-semitism.  The  canment  of  Klinkenberg:  "Anti-semitism 
T.rac7  noiroi-  -(-Vio  h<aaw  rfroni nn  of  -hbf»  rabbi (=».  for  alwavs  at  it's  beoinnino  were 
scientific  constructions  to  enable  the  masses  to  define  an  enemy  - us  & them" 
is  fully  obvious  here,  Golo  Mann  wrote  about  this  targeted  Jewry:  It  was  german 
in  it's  virtues,  german  in  it's  lack  thereof,  it  was  patriotic,  it  was  largely 
conservative. 


59 


The  jews  were  entered  as  witnesses  for  the  birth  of  a Christian  child  in 
the  registry,  adn  vice  versa  the  Christian  for  a Jewish  birth.  Jews  served  in 
the  same  fire  companies,  sang  in  the  same  dinging  clubs  like  the  other  men  at 
Kirchen  too.  One  did  not  live  in  separate  quarters  of  town,  but  the  Jewish 
homes  were  spread  all  over  town.  One  knew  each  other,  the  strengths  and  weak- 
nesses of  each.  This  aquantaince,  intimate  Inowlege  of  all  was  the  best  oppo- 
sition agaisnt  however  scientific  ant i -semi t ism.  Therefor  there  never  was,  until 
the  3rd  decade  of  this  century,  any  noteworthy  anti-semitism.  There  was  no 
speculative  basis  for  it. 

Golo  Mann's  characterisation  of  the  german  Jews  may  be  summarized  in  a 
single  phrase:  they  were  willing  to  be  assimilated.  Until  emancipation  the 
entire  life  of  the  Jews  was  guided  by  the  Synagogengemeinde,  that  had  all  the 
functions  of  a civil  community,  such  as  Jurisprudence,  social  services,  etc. 

With  the  full  emancipation  in  1862  religion  became  'confession',  the  emancipated 
Jewish  citizen  lived  at  the  same  time  in  the  Synagogengemeinde  and  the  civil 
community. 

This  breach  of  identity  & tradition  brought  with  it  an  internal  crisis 
of  Jewry  that  could  not  have  come  at  a worse  time. 

The  self-emancipating  Jewry  did  not  find  itself  into  another  formed  society 
because  that  itself  was  in  a severe  crisis,  and  where  the  breach  into  this  society 
actually  succeeded  the  arriviste  found  himself  in  a no  longer  functioning 
situation  and  itself  had  an  identity  crisis.  In  the  ending  19th  century  Judaism 
was  no  only  determined  by  it's  own  religion. The  Jews  in  the  Markgraeflerland, 
living  in  an  almost  totally  protestant-liberal  surroundings,  saw  many  of  their 


cultic  forms  put  in  doubt.  The  Jewish  as  well  as  the  Christian  confessions  were 
open  to  the  upcoming  critic  of  religion.  So  primarily  in  the  mostly  Protestant 
cities,  and  later  in  the  Landgemeinden,  Jews  with  time  parted  from  the  religous 
practices,  and  finally  from  their  religion.  The  two  large  Christian  chiarches 
had  over  the  centuries  of  existing  together  accomodated  themselves,  and  tolera- 
ted each  other  with  specific  spheres  of  influence.  Now  that  a third,  uninfluential 
confession  denanded  equal  acceptance  it  was  not  given.  "Acknowledged  is  not  the 
Jew  as  Jew  but  only  a pale  abstraction  of  him,  the  human  being  in  the  Jew, 
as  something  that  does  not  exist  by  itself." 

And  the  Jews  thonselves,  even  tho  they  knew  that  their  welcome  in  this 
society  was  ony  tolerated,  in  elections  they  tended  to  vote  in  the  Reichstag 


ana  ijanai^ag  exectiuiia  Laciitü.  oiiux— ötaiuLucö  uiuc  uw  t/nc: 

than  free-thinking  representatives  of  their  emancipation  even  tho  they  might  fear 
that  their  specific  interest  might  suffer  thereby. What  odd  political  schizophrenia. 


60 


The  Flight  from  the  Land  (Country  - as  in  small  towns) 

The  samll  increase  in  the  population  of  german  jews  between  1825  & 1925 
was  67%  under  that  of  the  general  population,  and  was  not  stemmed  due  to  the 
move  of  jews  to  cities  or  emigrating.  The  land-flight  began  with  the  emancipation. 
From  the  trader  and  cattle  dealer  they  became  merchants  in  the  city,  the  inde- 
pendent entrpreneur.  The  youth,  now  free  to  attend  universities,  became  doctors 
or  lawyers.  The  reservoir  of  the  jews  of  Baden,  the  Landgemeinde  that  heretofore 
had  decreased  only  by  emigration  to  foreign  coiantries  but  generally  made  it  up 
internally,  now  lost  it's  fianction.  Whereas  1852  81%  of  all  jews  in  Baden 
lived  in  Landgemeinden  and  only  19%  in  the  city,  by  1895  the  percentages  were 
52  % resp.48%. 

However  the  cities  were  not  flooded  with  jews. 

Cities  grew  apace,  but  at  the  same  time  the  number  of  jews  living  therin  grew 
less.  Only  a few  cities  were  spared  this  development. 

1900  Karlsruhe  had  2,576  jews,  1905  only  2,460.  1900  Mulhouse  (Alsace)  had  2,466, 
1905  only  2,428. 

As  long  as  the  in-migration  from  the  Landgemeinden  continued  the  jewish  congre- 
gations in  the  cities  could  retain  their  membership  or  even  increase  slightly. 

Using  the  example  of  Kirchen:  1870  - 1899  the  town  had  984  births  and 

724  deaths,  for  a gain  of  26.42%. 

The  j.congr.  at  this  time  had  152  births  vs. 98  deaths,  a 35.53  % gain. 

This  means  that  in  this  period  the  development  of  the  j.congr.  in  Kirchen 
developed  normally,  in  fact  had  a 9%  surplus  of  births  over  the  general  popu- 
lation. Compared  to  other  j.  congregations  in  Baden  it's  age  spread  was  quite 
normal.  So  in  1880  there  were  160  jews  in  Kirchen.  In  the  period  1870  - 1899 
for  the  first  time  the  number  of  emigrants  exceeds  that  of  the  immigrants.  In 
this  period  84  people  emigrated,  whereas  only  50  came  in. 

Basel  was  a real  magnet  for  jews  desiring  to  emigrate.  All  facilities  were 
available  for  the  furtherance  of  business  and  academic  ambitions.  Over  20%  of 
the  emigrants  went  to  Basel  and  in  time  became  swiss  citizens.  The  nearby  city 
of  Loerrach  with  the  flowering  textile  industry  and  a rapidly  developing  population 
drew  the  second  highest  number  of  Kirchen  jews;  13%  of  the  emigrants  went  there. 
Following  is  Enmendingen  with  8 emigrants,  Muellheim  with  7,  Konstanz  with  5. 

Alsace  with  13  onigrants  (+  1 to  Paris)  follows  Switzerland  with  19  outside  of 
Baden  lands.  4 emigrated  to  toher  german  lands,  only  1 to  the  USA.  46  moved  to 
congregations  in  Baden. 

68%  left  Kirchen  because  they  sought  better  work  and  earnings  opportunities,  or 
were  simply  family  members  who  just  had  to  go  along  with  these  moves. 

P.74  Marriage  contract -Moses  Olesheimer  & Henriette  Bachrach, Basel, 1893 


61 


Immigration 

Between  1870  S,  1899  a total  of  50  persons  (still  provably  today) 
immigrated  to  Kirchen.  About  half  & half  were  men  & women. 

The  great  proportion  of  20-30  year  old  women  in  the  immigrant  group  proves 
the  marriage  thesis  as  main  reason  for  all  jews  coming  to  Kirchen. 

88%  moved  to  Kirchen  to  marry,  and  only  6 persons  -12%  - came  for  occupational 
reasons.  Emmendingen  with  8 supplied  the  most  people  and  eguals  the  8 that  went 
to  Emmendingen  from  Kirchen.  22  persons  cam  from  congregations  in  Baden,  12 
from  Alsace,  5 from  Switzerland,  and  only  2 from  other  german  lands.  Of  9 
immigrants  it  was  impossible  to  establish  their  origin. 

Occupational  Analysis 

The  main  occupation  of  the  Jewish  inhabitants  was  trade  (Handel) (Tr. note. 

Handel  may  be  interpreted  as  trading  as  in  commodities,  or  commerce) 

Before  the  turn  of  the  century  6,488  persons=  9%  of  all  people  emplyed  in 
commerce  were  jews.  Of  these  4,054  were  independent  or  conducted  businesses, 
i.e.  managers;  the  largest  part  of  the  jews  had  a socially  advantagous  position 
and  was  therefor  above  the  population  average.  Of  the  6,488  commercially 
active  persons  5,696  = 88%  were  dealing/trading  in  goods  and  products,  157=2.4% 
were  in  money  & credit  business,  and  brokers  claimed  364  persons  = 5.6%. 

In  the  Landeskoirmissariatsbezirk  (commission  district-tr)  Freiburg,  of  which 
Kirchen  was  a part,  jews  in  the  goods  and  products  (produce-?)  commerce  can- 
prised  18.5%,  in  money  & credit  trade  3.2%,  Handliongsvermittlung  (brokerage, 
commercial  travellers-tr ) 41.2%,  & insurance  3.2%.  In  all  Baden  the  participation 
of  jews  in  commerce  was  as  follows:  Goods  & products  - 18.3%,  money  & Credit-15. 7%, 
Brokerage/sales  - 37.8%,  peddling  - 8.2%,  & insurance  - 5.3%. 

In  Kirchen  1880  23.6  of  all  inhabitants  were  in  goods  & product  trade,  0.66%  in 
brokerage.  Civil  service  (Army,  administration,  schools,  universities,  etc.) 
jews  in  the  Freiburg  district  were  at  2%;  in  Kirchen  only  0.66%. 

In  Baden  3.66%  of  jews  were  in  civil  service.  1.97  % in  Kirchen  hade  a trade 
or  craft.  The  'Nothandel'  lost  it's  predominant  position  held  for  centuries 
and  gave  way  to  the  independent  entrepreneur  & merchant,  who  easily  could 
integrate  into  the  rising  middle  class.  Later,  in  Kirchen  only  after  1918,  the 
congregations  came  into  an  economic  depression  because  of  the  constant  emigration 
and  therefor  the  reduction  in  births  and  declined  socially. 

A further  example  for  the  healthy  social  position  of  the  Jewish  part  of  the 

• ■ ^ • t_  — 1.^  i tv._  ^ . J i-  1.  W i U.  ww  ^ i 1 ^ ^ 

the  grand  ducal  Oberschulrat  (Board  of  Education-tr ) . By  a law  of  1876  all 
confessional  schools  were  dissolved  and  turned  into  general  schools.  A cosequence 

of  this  was  the  peurticipation  of  the  political  carmunity  (town)  to  pay  some 


62 


of  the  costs  of  religous  instruction  if  the  number  of  a specific  confession 
exceeded  20  pupils.  The  town  was  repeatedly  told  by  the  Oberschulamt  to  pay 
an  annual  sum  of  RM  160.00  to  the  israelitic  religion  teacher  Weikersheimer . 

1879  the  town  council  refused  this  payment  unanimously.  And  the  payment  ordered 
by  the  Bezirksamt  was  only  complied  with  after  attorney  Beck  of  Freiburg  saw 
that  a lawsuit  had  no  chan  ce  of  success  vs.  the  grand  ducal  Oberschulamt. 

Isr. children  in  Kirchen  schools;  1879  - 38/  1883/4  - 33/  1884/5  - 32/1885/6-36. 

The  isr.  religion  teacher  needed  the  extra  money/  since  their  pay  was  ca.  600  — 

800  mark  per  annum  (plus  ca.400  M.for  other  services)/  while  a regular  teacher 
in  a normal  school  (Volkschule)  received  1/100  - 2/000  mark.p.a.+  dwelling. 

The  isr.  religion  teachers  were  always  complaining  that  their  salary  was  late 
or  not  paid  at  all.  A whole  fascicle  of  these  complaints  is  to  be  found  in  the 
Staatsarchiv  Freiburg. 

1888  per  law  the  taxation  for  the  local  ci.^ches  and  synagogues  was  changed. 

Up  until  now  the  synagogue  taxed  on  the  basis  of  self-determination.  Now  the 
state  took  this  over,  even  tho  the  isr .congregaiton  protested  after  having  used 
this  means  for  centuries  successfully. 

1889  the  districts  and  the  seats  of  the  Bezirksrabbiner  were  reorganized  due  to 
the  large  movement  of  the  population.  The  Bezirkssynagoge  Sulzburg/  together 
with  Breisach  was  combined  into  the  Bezirksrabbinat  Freiburg.  The  Bezirksrabbiner 
y0j-0  reguired  hereafter/  following  the  example  of  the  Protestant  deacons / to 
annjually  visit  every  congregation  in  their  district/  to  keep  track  of  congre— 
gastion  statistics/  supervise  the  general  & fiscal  administration/  religous 
intruction  and  the  Shechita. 

1889  the  Oberrat  der  Israeliten  of  baden  surveyed  the  form  of  services  hels  at 
all  synagogues.  In  Kirchen/  as  in  most  Landgemeinden/  worship  was  conducted  in 
the  traditional  manner.  Only  in  the  cities  the  partly  germanized  worship  had 
appeared.  The  Praeger  prayerbook  (the  latter  worship/  germanized-tr ) considered 
the  changes  in  the  situation  of  the  jews/  contained  some  abbreviations  and 
changes  of  the  old  text.  So  portions  concerning  sacrifice/  return  to  Zion/  and 
teh  belief  in  a personal  Messias  were  deleted  or  changed.  When  thisappeared 
1904/  resp.1906,  it  caused  a storm  of  indignation  among  the  orthodox  Landgemeinden. 
The  'Verein  zur  Wahrung  der  Interessen  des  gesetzestreuen  Judentum  in  Baden' 

(The  org.for  the  preservation  of  the  interest  of  orthodox  jewry-tr)  blamed 
the  Oberrat  of  religous  indifference  and  accused  it  of  favoring  Reform  udaism. 
Protests  hailed  form  all  sides.  Five  orthodox  rabbis  rejuected  this  prayerbook/ 
as  did  the/  becoming  more  influential/  Zionists. 


63 


But  the  outward  situation  of  the  jews  was  defined  by  the  rabble-rousing  anti 
Semites.  At  the  election  for  the  Reichstag  as  well  as  the  Landtage  1879-1880 
the  middle  class  distances  itself  largely  from  Jewish  candidates.  Here  the 
word  was  given  out:  "Don't  elect  jews!".  In  Baden,  that  in  all  Germany  was 
the  first  to  seat  jews  in  the  Landtag  had  not  a single  jew  after  1879. 

The  german  jews  had  great  hopes  for  the  administration  of  Friedrich  III. 

They  publicly  asked  that  all  male  children  bom  1888  be  named  Friedrich.  Over 
families  followed  this  call.  But  Kaiser  Friedrich  reigned  only  99  days,  and 
sick  ones  at  that. 

His  succession  was  feared  by  many  jews. Symptomatic  therefor  is  the  Jewish 
reaction  to  the  fall  of  Bismarck  early  1890.  Many  were  glad  to  see  him  go,  but 
only  lukewarm  at  that.  His  demission  was  a victory  of  Wilhelm  II,  whose  plans 
were  looked  upon  by  jews  with  concern.  The  following  exemplfies  the  divisiveness 
among  the  jews  in  this  matter:  "Certainly  it  was  fortunate  that  Fuerst  Bismarck 
was  dismissed,  but  that  fortune  is  the  misfortune." 

As  defense  against  the  constantly  growing  antisemitism  in  1893  the  'Central- 
verein  deutscher  Staatsbuerger  Juedischen  Glaubens"  - CV  -(Central  org.of 
german  citizens  of  Jewish  faith-tr),  which  was  joined  the  same  year  by  the 
'Vereinigung  Badischer  Israeliten'  (Org.of  Baden  israelites-tr ) . 

Both  groups  sought  the  full  assimilation  of  the  jews  into  the  german  nation, 
while  retaining  their  Jewish  faith,  egual  to  protestants,  catholics,  or  other 
confession  legally  accepted  in  the  Reich.  Gabriel  Riessers  words: 'He  who  denies 
my  gemran  fatherland  denies  my  right  to  think,  to  breathe  the  air.  Therefor 
I must  defend  myself  against  him  as  against  a murderer. ' expresses  better  than 
any  explanation  of  principles,  the  strength  of  this  expression  in  the  german 

language  and  culture,  plainly  a 'german'. 

On  27  Sept.  1893  the  program  of  the  CV  was  established,  that  particularly 
in  point  4 referred  to  the  defense  against  the  growing  anti  semitism.  The  Baden 
organization  joined  the  CV  as  a local  provincial  group.  As  countermeasure  to 
the  partially  assimilation-seeking  CV,  in  the  80 's  a movement  began  that  in 
the  90 's  formally  became  the  Zionist  movement.  This  and  the  CV  are  to  be  considered 
part  of  the  üÄ-ge  national  movement  towards  organization  of  the  19th  century. 


64 


Altho  the  Zionist  movement  was  a welcome  combatant  with  the  CV  against  anti- 
semitism/ this  collegiality  soon  changed.  On  30  March  1913  the  CV  declared 
against ^the  Posen  decision  of  the  german  Zionists/  that  decided  that  every 
Zionist  must  make  emigration  to  Palestine  a life's  goal:  'We  demand  of  our 
members  not  only  the  fulfilment  of  civic  duties/  but  german  thought  and  application 
of  this  german  thought  in  daily  civil  life.  As  far  as  the  german  Zionist  seeks 
to  secure  a safe  haven  for  the  disenfranchised  jews  of  the  east/  or  to  raise 
the  jews  pride  in  their  religion  and  history/  he  is  welcome  as  a member.  Of  the 
Zionist  however/  who  denies  a german  feeling  of  nationality/  feels  himself  a 
guest  among  a host  people  and  nationally  only  feels  as  a jew/  from  him  we  must 
part ' . 

What  is  Zionism?  Klinkenberg  defines:  'Zionism  is  as  much  a break  with  the 


jewish  tradition  as  retention  of  tradition.  ' 

Zionism  came  about  because  of  anti-semitism/  and  therefor  the  rush  toward 
assimilation  that  was  understood  as  a full  self-denial  of  jewish  values. 

Zionism  meant  a huge  politization  of  jewry.  It  developed  in  two  different 
cultural  areas  at  the  same  time/  In  Galicia  (Austria-Hungary-Russia)  & Germany. 
When  in  1896  Theodor  Herzl  published  his  program  'Der  Judenstaat'  he  was  unaware 
that  already  in  1882  a Odessa  jew/  Jehuda  Leib  (Leon  Pinsker )had  published  a 


;^ork  on  the  samme  problem/  'Autoemancipation'. 

However  Herzl  managed  to  unify  the  various  streams  of  Zionist  coloration  into  a 
single  organization  for  action.  After  the  1. Zionist  World  Congress/  Basel  29/30 
August  1899/  Herzl  discussed  the  main  points  of  the  Basel  program  with  Kaiser 
Wilhelm  II/  the  turkish  Sultan/  and  the  british  colonial  minister  Chamberlain. 

" To  become  actuality. . .for  the  jewish  people  a legally  secure  hcxne  in  Palestine  . 

The  jews  of  Kirchen  hadn't  any  idea  of  these  world-shaking  events  that 
took  place  so  nearby/  and  that  was  to  become  a major  world  movement.  They  had 
other  worries.  Year  after  year  more  yoving  people  moved  away.  Less  came  to  Kirchen 
from  out  of  town/  and  elss  children  were  bom  since  the  young  people  left.  A 
definite  shrinking  process  set  in/  noticable  in  daily  life.  The  j .congregation 
in  1873  with  192  persons  reached  it's  zenith/  by  1895  it  was  only  138  people. 

In  these  eventful  years  a meeting  of  south-Baden  synagogue  boards  called 
into  life  a jewish  burial  society.  They  determined:  If  of  the  round  5/000  j. 
families  in  Baden  ca.  4/000  family-fathers  were  to  join  this  organization/  a 
contribution  of  15  Kr.  at  each  death  cover  all  burial  costs  of  the  members, 


lUiO  LriiC  OC41U  Wi.  .A.  ^ WWW 


r\^  1 O t?^Vsw-  1 0*70 


and  pay  ouz  zo  eciuxi  wxuuw  ux  ux^^aiuio  ouau  w*.  ^.^www  w — - 

during  a congregational  meeting  in  Kirchen  12  familymen  declared  their  membership 


in  this  burial  society. 


65 


At  the  tum  of  the  century  the  Kirchen  congregation  got  smaller  and  older , 
but  economically  very  successful.  That  is  they  became  more  affluent  and  equalled 
their  other  fellow  citizens  in  income  and  property.  The  Kirchener  had  for  many 
years  owned  land  and  houses,  and  like  almost  everyone  in  the  village  did  some 
farming  for  theri  own  use,  meanwhile  following  their  activities  as  merchants  & 
traders.  In  this  time  many  Kirchen  jews  were  bom  in  a Basel  hospital,  whereas 
most  non- jews  had  their  children  at  home.  Also,  the  Kirchen  jews  could  afford 
to  ahve  their  illnesses  treated  & cured  in  Basel  hospitals. 

Many  of  the  emigrants  became  affluent,  rich  & higly  regarded.  As  examples, 
Leopld  Bloch  who  moved  to  basel  at  this  time  (51.0)&  David  Lieberles  (132.0), 
Salomon  Bloch  (54.2)  who  moved  to  Zurich,  Dr. Samuel  Moses  to  Loerrach  and  had 
his  practice  there,  cigar  manufacturer  Marx  Bloch  (47.1)  to  Emmendingen.  During 
WWI  he  received  several  delegations  fro  Kirchen  and  entertained  them  grandly. 

He  also  started  a foiandation  for  the  construction  of  a festival  hall.  Veist  Weil 
(189.4)  who  moved  to  Freiburgm  and  Hirsch  Bigar,  resident  in  Kirchen,  both  made 
large  donations  of  money  to  the  congregation.  The  previously  mentioned  Marx  Bloch 
of  Enmendingen  left  a warbond  nominally  worth  RM  1,000  for  teh  p\urchase  of  their 
own  funeral  carriage.  Others  again,  mostly  second  generation  after  emigration, 
became  doctors  like  Dr.  Alexander  Bloch  (52.4)  at  Balingen,  later  at  Basel. 
Lawyers  like  Dr. Karl  Erwin  Bloch  at  Luzern,  Rabbi  Fritz  Bloch,  Landesrabbiner 
of  Wuertemberg  (47.6.1)  or  lawyer  Nathan  Moses  (161.0)  at  Karlsruhe. 

Even  tho  the  jews  had  in  the  40  years  since  the  removal  of  the  restrictive 
laws  had  become  anancipated  economically  and  educationally  as  well  as  somewhat 
assimilated,  a latent  anti-semitism  remained  even  in  the  highest  places. 

P.78  Singinclub  'Rhenus'  at  singing  festival  at  Emmendingen  1924.  The 
club  visited  Marx  Bloch  (47.1)  who  had  done  much  for  Kirchen. 

When  during  a revision  of  the  Baden  cosntitution  in  1904  the  1st. chamber  of 
the  Landtag  was  enlarged,  the  Israelites  used  the  opportunity  to  have  a repre- 
sentative there  like  the  Protestant  and  catholic  churches,  in  this  permanent 
assembly.  This  request  of  the  jews  could  as  per  the  state  ministry 'not  be 
granted  under  the  present  circumstances. ' 

What  the  'present  circvimstances ' were  like  is  exemplified  by  the  never  ending 
discussion  of  ritual  slaughtering  of  the  jews.  Initiated  during  the  last  quarter 
of  the  past  century  this  question  was  presented  1898  a.o.  as  a petition  of 
the  Humane  Society  (Tierschutzverein).  Even  tho  scientifically  it  had  been 
nroven  Iona  aao  that  the  jewish  lawgiver,  as  expressed  by  the  then  Veter inaer- 
Regierungsrat  Dr.  Lydtin,  that  animals  slaughtered  rtially  were  definitely  and 
totally  killed  and  that  there  is  no  cruelty  involved  in  the  method  in  which 
jewish  butchers  are  trained,  yet  'cruelty  and  bloody-mindedness  of  the  jews' 
supposedly  was  proven. 


66 


Strict  rules / administered  by  the  local  police,  controlled  slaughtering  in 
Kirchen  too.  The  Kirchen  cattle  dealers  had  to  slaughter  their  cattle  in  the 
local  abbatoir,  whose  register  of  1889  still  exists.  Israel  Braunschweig  had 
10  beeves  and  4 smaller  animals  slaughtered;  Leopold  Braunschweig  follows  with 
8 small  animals  (calves,  sheep,  goats),  whereas  Goffhold  Lieberless  had  6 small 
animals  slaughtered. 

The  years  before  WWI  were  marekd  by  a further  shrinkage  and  over-aging 
of  the  congregation.  1905  Kirchen  still  had  86  Jewish  inhabitants. 

What  was  the  position  of  the  german  and  badonian  jews  in  relation  to 
german  politics  in  the  years  before  WWI?  Politicians  of  many  parties  & groupings 
warned  sternly  of  the  up-coming  war.  Ludwig  Frank,  the  Jewish  lawyer  bom  at 
Nonnenweiher,  member  of  the  Landtag  and  the  Reichstag,  one  of  the  brightest  lights 
of  the  german  social  democrats,  in  May  1913  at  Bern,  & May  1914  at  Basel, called 
leading  politicians  and  delegates  from  France  to  a conference  that  had  as  it's 
aim  a durable  peace  between  Germany  & France.  Albert  Ballin,  Jew  and  confidant 
of  the  Kaiser,  in  April  1914  also  tried  to  secure  peace  between  England  & Germany 
by  inviting  Churchill  to  Kiel  for  conversations. 

But  Just  as  the  majority  of  the  german  was  helpless  at  the  foreign  policy 
of  the  Kaiser  and  his  advisors,  and  trusted  them  implicitly,  the  german  Jews 
approached  this  time  also  without  a true  estimation  of  events.  The  german  popu- 
lation was  Just  as  surprised  by  the  war  as  their  Jewish  fellow  citizens.  Both  were 
swept  by  patriotic  enthusiasm  that  broke  out  all  over  Germany  at  the  outbreak  of 
war.  Within  the  Jewish  view  there  was  no  question  or  difference  as  to  duty  to 
the  fatherland. 

The  same  Ludwig  Frank,  who  shortly  before  outbreak  of  war  tried  to  prevent  it 
with  all  means  , in  August  1914  said  that  in  the  moment  of  danger  and  the  national 
defense  all  considerations  must  cease  before  the  need  to  protect  the  borders. 

Like  many  of  his  social-democratic  colleagues  he  spoke  for  war  loans,  volunteered 
as  a 40-year  old  and  fell  as  one  of  the  first  in  the  trenches. 

Only  a very  few  found  the  coiorage,  once  the  first  enthusiasm  was  spent, 
to  uncover  the  senselessness  of  this  undertaking:  " Must  we  deny  that  war  is  to 
us  Jews  more  strange  than  to  the  others?  Must  we  be  ashamed  after  three  thousand 
years  of  discipline  of  the  soul  that  we  no  longer  understand  the  world  when  it 
leads  to  war?  Are  we  really  worse  because. .. .not  only  the  enemy,  but  the  fear 


aw 


.1.  1 no  -i-n  nni-  cni  1 1 hninan  hlnod?" 


P.80  Good  Conduct  Certificate.  2^  years  military  service  is  finished. 
Leopold  Braunschweig  conducted  himself  particualrly  praiseworthy. 

Veist  Bloch  as  soldier  - 1916. 


67 


The  call  of  Wilhelm  II:  "I  know  no  parties,  I know  only  germans*  was  followed 
in  Baden  by  4,758  jews.  This  was  18.37%  of  the  total  Baden  Jewry.  The  proportion 
of  draftees  of  the  general  population  was  19%.  488  jews  volunteered.  From  Kirchen, 
from  what  can  still  be  determined  today,  the  following  Jewish  citizens  parti- 
cipated in  the  war:  Jonas  Olesheimer  (166.1),  Leopold  Bramschweig  (100.0), 

Samuel  Moses  (158.0),  David  Moses  (160.0),  who  died  July  1,1916  in  France, 


Veist  Bloch  (72.0). 

With  the  continuation  of  the  war,  difficulty  in  food  supply,  and  a stagnant 
front,  the  antisemitism  quiescent  in  the  early  days  of  the  war  revived.  The  jews 
were  accused  to  have  caused  the  war,  to  enrich  themselves  thereon,  and  to  not 
fight  in  the  field  in  comparable  numbers.  'The  Jewish  shirkers'  became  a common 
expression.  1916  the  war  ministry  ordered  that  the  number  of  jews  serving  in 
the  army  at  the  front  be  counted. 

After  the  breakdown  of  civil  order  November  1918  jews  in  leading  p^ositions 
in  Baden  were  responsible  for  a almost  peaceful  trainsition  of  government.  It 
was  teh  two  Karlsruhe  attorneys  Ludwig  Marum  (minister  of  justice)  and  the 
former  Reichstag  delegate  Ludwig  Haas  (Interior  minister).  At  the  risk  of  his 
life  Haas  assisted  the  grand-ducal  family  to  flee  Karlsruhe. 

The  constitution  of  1919  declared  Baden  to  be  a democratic  republic. 

Par.  18  concerns  religous  church  matters:  'Each  inhabitasnt  of  the  land  has  the 
protection  to  freedom  of  conscience  & worship  of  his  God.... All  governmental 
religous  and  churchly  coirmunities  are  equal  in  law.  They  are  corporations  under 
law  and  have  the  right  to  tax  themselves  according  to  law.  They  arrange  & manage 
their  affairs  freely  & independently  within  state  laws.  Particularly  the  church 
offices  will  be  decided  by  the  churches  themselves."  This  dispensed  with  the 
various  ' Bevormundungsaemter ' - the  1812  introduced  state  commissioners,  the 
naming  of  the  Oberrat  members,  the  rabbis  and  heads  of  synagogue  by  government 
offices. 


The  economic  situation  of  the  early  twenties  was  hopeless.  Astronomical  unem- 
ployment and  the  devaluation  of  money  boosted  the  ever  present  anit-semitism 
in  new  forms.  The  'disaffected'  were  fron  the  conservatives  to  the  reactionary 
groups,  that  hated  the  Weimar  Republic  as  a imposition  of  world  Jewry  to  destroy 
Germany. 

The  humiliating  peace  of  Versailles,  the  apparently  undefeated  german  divisions, 
all  these  complicated  matters  found  their  explanation  in  one  word:  Dagger sthurst. 


The  new  republic  was  a jew  state.  The  jews  were  blood  suckers,  freeloaders, 
parasites  on  the  corpus  of  the  german  people.  They  form  ed  a state  within  a 
state,  destroyed  the  folkish  organism.  Individually  they  showed  greed,  lust. 


materialism. 


68 


Another  time  'international  Jewry  rules  the  world',  or  if  it  didn't  do  that 
it  was  the  'Wise  men  of  Zion'. 

The  religous  and  economic  antisemitism  was  totally  displaced  by  the  racial 
antisemitism.  The  jews  were  part  of  a 'foreign,  inferior  race'.  The  novels  of 
Arthur  DintersiThe  sin  vs. the  spirit.  The  sin  vs.  the  blood,  The  sin  against 
love 'carried  this  racial  antisemitism  to  a great  part  of  the  german  people. 

Among  the  german  clubs,  parties  & organizations  who  carried  antisemitism 
in  their  programs  the  NSDAP  founded  1920  was  perhaps  the  largest  but  not  only 
party.  Among  them  were  the  'German  Social'  party  founded  before  the  war,  that 
1922  split  from  the  Deutschnationalen  Volkspartei,  the  german-folkish  freedom 
party,  the  front -veterans  league,  the  Steelhelmet,  the  young-german  order,  the 
german-folkish  Protection  league,  as  well  as  the  already  founded  before  the  war 
•All-german  League'.  They  all  spread  the  antisemitism  already  carried  by  a large 

part  of  the  german  people. 

The  Rekigion  Teachers 

In  this  politically  heated  climate  the  position  of  the  Jewish  religion  teacher, 
already  disadvantaged,  became  desperate.  Allowances  for  price  increases  and  the 
low  salaries  authorised  by  the  Oberrat  could  never  keep  pace  with  inflation, 
and  seriously  threatened  the  economic  existance  of  the  Jewish  teachers.  A payscale 
set  by  a commission  appointed  by  the  Oberrat  January  1920  that  was  to  keep  adjusting 
the  pay  according  to  rises  in  costs  was  too  slight  to  ameliorate  the  difficult 
situation.  A look  into  the  papers  "re  the  taxation  for  the  local  religous  needs 
of  the  local  cannunity"  gives  the  picture  of  a impossible  situation  . 

The  religion  teacher  of  many  years  standing  in  Kirchen  Jakob  Alperowitz  (1.0) 
on  4 July  1921  complained  to  the  Bezirkssynagoge  Freiburg  that  at  current  high 
prices  he  cannot  support  his  family  of  6.  When  the  Kirchen  Synagogengemeinde  in 
1924  complained  to  the  Oberrat  about  the  size  of  the  payscale  of  the  teacher, 
the  Oberrat  in  Karlsruhe  felt  it  had  to  take  a position  for  Alperowitz  15  Sept. 

1924:  He  is  in  service  as  teacher  since  23  June  1907  and  has  2 children  aged 
6 - 14  and  2 aged  14  - 21  and  absolutely  needed  the  funds  assigned  badly. 

The  same  year  Jakob  Alperowitz  left  Kirchen  and  moved  to  Muellheim  where 
he  served  as  teacher  and  cantor  until  1939.  (Tr:He  was  tr. teacher  in  hebr.S,  religion). 
1931  Alfred  Ludwig  Rosenberg  (173.0)  was  the  last  official  teacher,  cantor 

& shochet  of  the  Kirchen  J .congregation. 

P.82  Jewish  Youth  from  Kirchen  & Muellheim  (?-tr)  on  Excursion.  Standing 
with  glasses: Religion  teacner  6.  cantor  Aj-tieU  Ruaeiibej-y . 

Alfred  Rosenbach  was  from  Breisach.  Among  his  ancestors  is  the  rabbinic  family 

Kahn  who  lived  in  Salzburg  for  a long  time.  After  canletion  of  secular  schooling 

he  attended  the  Jewish  teacher  training  institution  at  Wuerzburg  1928-1931. 


69 


Shortly  before  starting  at  Kirchen  he  received  instruction  in  Shechita  at 
Freiburg.  As  per  his  signed  contract  of  22  Nov. 1931  his  duties  entailed:  all 
religous  instruction,  serving  as  cantor  during  worship,  holding  sermons  after 
sabbath  morning  worship,  and  to  serve  as  shochet  available  to  all  members  of  the 
congregation.  He  was  also  required  to  supervise  the  sale  of  meat  and  perform 
the  ritual  removal  of  certain  veins  & tendons,  etc.  His  salary  was  set  according 
to  the  Baden  scale,  group  4-b,  for  special  officials.  He  was  due  two  weeks 
vacation  and  a apartment  (4  rooms  & Kitchen)  in  the  synagogue  building. 

P.82  Contract  of  Alfred  Rosenberg  -parts  of  first  & last  page,  1931 
1932  he  was  amde  clerk  of  the  congregation.  During  his  service  in  Kirchen  he  met 
Alice  Bloch  (72.0)  whom  he  married  1935. 

P.83  1935  Family  Picture  in  front  of  synagogue.  L-r: Bertha  Bloch 

Veist  Bloch,  Alice  Bloch,  Alfred  Rosenberg. 

In  May  1935  Alfred  Rosenberg  left  Kirchen  and  became  religion  teacher  and  cantor 

of  the  j .congregation  at  Darmstadt.  The  young  couple  remained  there  until  1938 

and  from  there  emigrated  to  Brooklyn,N.Y. 

There  he  worked  for  a short  time  as  religion  teacher  and  cantor,  and  since 
1941  in  Lansdale,Pa.  employed  by  a wholesale  grocer  and  part-time  teacher  & cantor. 

The  years  1924  - 1929  brought  an  economic  stabilization  and  a reduction  of 
anti-semitism  in  the  regular  parties.  The  international  economic  crisis  of  1929 
soon  became  catastrophic  in  Germany.  The  statisticaly  calculateable  people's 
income  fell  by  half  1928  - 1932.  That  antisemitism  is  the  revolt  of  the  small 
people  (Kleinbuerger-tr)  agaisnt  industrialization  was  specially  proven  this  year. 

P.83  Letter  of  Acceptance  of  resignation  by  Oberrat. 

The  middle  class,  hit  hardest  by  the  recession  after  the  workers,  was  the  home 
of  the  germcin  jews  and  at  the  same  time  it's  worst  enemy  in  the  supporters  of 
the  NSDAP  (nazi  party-tr).  This  party  had  it's  greatest  following  in  the  middle 
class.  So  the  jews  were  doubly  competitors  of  these  people  of  the  middle  class. 

G.L. Moses  describes  the  general  basis  of  all  german  parties  from  the  center 
to  the  right,  such  as  Alldeutsche,  DNVP,  NSDAP,  etc.  as  follows:  The  common  basis 
of  the  anti- jews  is  the  constant  struggle  against  estrangement  & uprooting 
common  to  all  society  in  repid  industrialisation.  Such  thinking  processes,  using 
the  word  'folkish'  sought  not  only  a solution  of  the  problems  of  a capitalistic 
society  but  also  sought  the  end  of  the  distancing  of  the  people  from  this  society, 
so  one  tnrew  over  rational  cninKing  in  oraer  ru  dcnievt:  d Luj.js.it>iuiec>a  xn  a 
more  'natural'  state,  disregarding  feelings  & moods.  'Heimat'  was  not  the  concept 
of  place  but  whre  man  stood  vs.  his  connection  with  nature.  The  actuality  of 
the  new  society  was  something  bad,  and  the  jews  onbodied  the  new  times. 


70 


The  parties  of  the  center  - DVNP,  Radical  Democrats,  German  Democrats  (or 
German  State  Party),  Zentrum,  Christian-social  Volksdienst,  Wirtschaftspartei, 

& the  German  Volkspartei,  had  differing  views  towards  antisemitism,  i.e.the  jews. 

So  one  can  categorize  the  DVNP  as  extreme  antisemitic,  whereas  the  German  Democrats 
abhorred  antisemitism  as  ' an  immoral  movement  appealing  to  the  lowest  instincts'. 
The  parties  of  the  left,  SPD  & KPD,  also  ahd  differing  opinions  re  antisemitism. 
Whereas  the  SPD  never  propounded  antisemitism  in  it's  election  propaganda  the 
KPG  followed  the  general  trend. 

The  immigration  to  Kirchen  between  1900  & 1932  went  down  to  27  people.  The 
immigrants  came  largely  from  Baden  j .congregations  (15),  from  the  rest  of  Germany 
(4),  and  from  Switzerland  (4). 

20  left  for  towns  in  Baden,  15  to  the  USA,  14  to  Switzerland  (13  to  basel 
alone),  10  to  other  towns  in  Ger.nany,  6 to  Alsace,  5 to  France,  and  1 to  Argentina. 
Above  all  the  emigration  to  the  USA  with  21%  of  emigrants  of  this  period,  "later 
to  accelerate  during  the  nazi  period,  and  at  the  same  time  was  the  finis. 

The  Catastrophy  - 1933  - 1940 

Injustice  carried  out  can't  be  denied  by  secrecy.  It  is  useless  to  want  to 
hide  behind  the  injustice  doen  to  our  people  by  other  nations  during  the 
war.  The  mass  murder  of  the  jews  will  not  be  hidden  thereby.  If  we  believe 

in  G'd's  judgement  over  our  people  in  his  grace  that  will  turn  ctirse  into 

blessing  and  will  free  us  for  a new  life  and  work  for  our  people  in 
present  and  future. 

Leo  Baeck  closed  his  address  on  the  occassion  of  the  125-year  celebration  of  the 
Oberrat  der  Israeliten  Badens  as  follows:  To  truly  remember  means  to  truly  hope, 
both  are  of  the  same  inner  root.  Only  he  who  retains  his  past  can  face  the 
future.  Today  we  look  to  another  future  as  it  was  thought  of  years  ago.  But 
one  thing  we  must  know:  the  Baden  jewry's  strength,  in  which  the  jews  of  Baden 

live,  ordered  and  set  by  means  of  it's  constitution,  it  will  continue  to  work 

for  blessings  in  difficult  times,  adn  so  as  G'd  the  eternal  wills  it  blessed 
better  days  will  be. 

These  comments  of  Baeck  were  based  upon  a one-year  experience  of  the  reign 
of  the  nazis.  The  jews  of  Germany  really  looked  to  the  future  differently,  even 
tho  there  was  really  little  hope  for  a truly  dignified  future.  Too  much 


.. — T.rac-  /^qc-4- r-r>i,oH  in  4-V>i  c Finch  V^ar*.  PPTltlirV 


Old  ties  were  suddenly  negated,  neighbors  and  friends  were  stopped  from  dealing 
with  their  fellow  human  beings  by  threat  of  official  retribution. 

How  it  got  to  that  we  all  know.  And  yet  after  almost  60  years  it  ronains 
still  inexplicable. 


71 


The  first  elections  after  the  takeover  for  the  Reichstag  were  held  5 March 
1933.  Kirchen  had  the  following  election  results: 


NSDAP 

SPD 

KPD 

Zentrxam 

DNVP 


5 March  1933 
53%  - 46.1% 
12.7%-  10.7% 
12  % - 17.3% 
1.2%  - 15% 
5.2%  - 4.5% 


31  July  1932 
51.4%-43.6 
14.5%  - 11.9% 
17.7%  - 20.2% 
1.3%  - 15% 

4.9%  - 2% 


( The  first  numbers  are  for  Kirchen,  the  others  for  Loerrach  Bezirk.) 


In  the  Reich  the  results  were  as  follows:  NSDAP 

SPD 

KPD 

Zentnom 


43.9% 

18.3% 

12.3% 

13.14% 


Already  on  13  March  1933  the  regime  changed  in  Kirchen,  as  described  by  the 
'Oberbadi sehen  Volksblatt Thursday  evening  about  10  PM  a troop  of  uniformed 
Nationalsocialists  drew  up  before  the  Rathaus  and  raised  the  Swastika  flag 
as  well  as  that  of  Baden,  which  immediately  caused  inhabitants  to  assemble, 
because  the  large  plaza  in  front  of  the  Rathaus  filled  up  immediately.  The 
Deutschland  Lied  as  well  as  the  Horst  Wessel  Lied  were  sung.  After  this  perfor- 
mance the  troop  moved  off  to  do  likewise  at  the  Ef ringen  Rathaus. 

P.86  Adolf  Hitler  with  retinue  on  May  19,1939  inspects  a sector  of 
the  Westwall  under  construction  near  Kirchen. 

P.86  Frontpage  of  'Ober badisches  Volksblatt'  of  1 April  1933. 

Shortly  thereafter  on  1 April  a organized  bocott  was  proclaimed  against  the 

jews  in  the  entire  Reich,  against  all  Jewish  businesses,  doctors  & lawyers.  On 

teh  same  day  the  Aufruf  (P.85  - see  above)  appeared. 

"Volksgenossen"  (fellow  citizens-tr)  in  Loerrach  & vicinity:  The  following 
Jewish  businesses  and  doctors  in  Loerrach  are  boycotted  and  are  therefor  to  be 
avoided. 

In  Kirchen  the  only  effect  was  the  boycott  of  the  small  grocery  of  Julius  Bloch 
(75.0)  and  his  wife  Sophie  nee  Geismar  on  the  Freidrich  Rotta  Str.  (foremerly 
house  # 72)  and  the  butchershop  of  Max  Braunschweig  (99.0).  The  other  Kirchen 
Jews  had  no  stores  but  primarily  traded  in  cattle. 

Dr.  Leo  Baum,  resident  & practicing  at  Efringen  since  1927,  where  he  also  was 
attending  physician  & trainer  for  the  newly  founded  Red  Cross  emergency  unit, 
left  for  Basel  5 March  1933,  as  written  in  the  local  chronicle  of  Efringen- 
Kirchen:  ' the  conditions  made  it  impossible  to  further  function  in  the  Red 
Cross  unit.'  Later  Dr. Baum  left  Switzerland  and  went  to  the  USA. 


equal  before  the  law.  Only  after  special  laws  passed  in  the  Reichstag  that  day 
did  except ion- laws  for  portions  of  the  populaiton  become  possible.  Already  on 
7 April  1933  the  first  decree  against  Jews  was  promulgated:  The  re-constitution 
of  the  professional  civil  service. 


72 


April  1933  the  then  local  NSDAP  leader  Eglin  in  a letter  to  the  Buergermeister 
demanded  'the  town  council  should  decide  that  citizenship  rights  of  the  emi- 
grated Leopold  Braunschweig  be  immediately  withdrawn  and  given  to  waiting  applicants. 
The  town  council  complied  totally.  1936  the  now  functioning  as  Buergermeister 
Eglin  demanded  of  the  Bezirksamt  Loerrach  that  the  citizenship  be  withdrawn  from 

the  following  jews:  Henriette  Olesheimer  nee  Bachrach  (168.0) 

Marx  Braunschweig  Levi,  butcher  (99) 

Samuel  Moses-Braunschweig  (I)  (158.) 

Isak  Braunschweig  (101) 

This  request  too  was  granted,  based  as  it  was  on  a decree  of  13  Aug. 1936 
to  deny  all  jews  civil  rights/citizenship. 

The  unified  press  published  pointed  news  & so-called  historical  reviews  to  show 

purported  evils  of  the  jews  past  & present: 

P.87  News  Item  from  Stuermer  Oct. 1938  branding  attorney  Fr.Vortisch  as 
as  a 'Jew  Servant'  because  he  handled  a legal  matter  for  Alexander 
Bloch  of  Kirchen. 

Hermann  Albrecht  in  his  somewhat  phantastic  tale  'Der  Praeceptoratsvicari ' told 
of  J.P. Hebels  activities  during  his  Oberland  years  with  a scene  dealing  with 
a jew  of  Kirchen  in  a strongly  anti-semitic  manner.  In  the  Oberbadischen  Volks- 
blatt of  14  Dec.  1940  writes  of  this  tale  of  Albrecht  with  the  title:  When  the 
jews  still  lived  in  the  Markgraeflerland  (for  further  articles  see  P.250/1). 

In  Kirchen  the  readiness  for  the  new  times  and  the  new  regime  were  apparent  in 
the  plebiscite  after  President  v.Hindenburg's  death  when  the  office  of  the  Reichs 
President  and  chancellor  were  combined.  In  district  Loerrach  about  20%  voted 
no,  in  Kirchen  only  4.9%  did  so. 

P.88  Oberbadisches  Voksblatt  of  14  Dec. 1940.  The  racially  revised 
version  of  Albrechts  ' Praeceptoratsvicari ' . 

On  the  eve  of  the  power-take  over  63  jews  lived  in  Kirchen. 

Characteristically  the  ages  given  1933  show  no  children  to  10  years  of  age. 

Those  up  to  30  is  only  slightly  larger  proportionately  that  those  over  60. 

Ages  of  jews  in  Kirchen  1933:  to  30  - 5.4% 

30-60  - 42.9% 

over  60  - 31.8% 


If  one  compares  the  ages  of  the  jewish  population  with  that  of  the  rest  of  the 


Reich,  i.e.  Baden  & Wurtemberg  noticable  differences  appear: 


to  30  30-60 

Total  Reich  population  58%  33.8% 

Jews  in  Baden/Wuertemberg  36.1%  48.5% 

Jews  in  Kirchen  25.4%  42.9% 


over  60 
11.1% 
13.8% 
15.6% 
31.5% 


I 


73 


If  the  natural  population  structure  of  the  total  population  of  the  Reich  was 
already  disturbed  (due  the  high  number  over  50  and  the  reductions  of  births 
resulting  from  WWI ) , the  population  structure  of  the  Landgemeinden  becomes 
absurd.  They  were  in  a process  of  dissolution  that  within  few  years  would  lead 
to  their  total  dissolution.  Based  on  the  relation  of  total  births  (within  5 
years) and  the  total  number  of  deaths,  the  birth  and  death  numbers  of  the  Jewish 
population,  the  dying  out  of  the  Jewish  part  of  the  population  can  be  statistically 
determined . 

Development  from  1890  - 1926: 

Baden  total:  Births  - 2,016733  Deaths  - 1,343,163  - excess  births  - 33.4% 

Jews  in  Baden:  Births  - 14,609  Deaths  - 13,726  - " " - 6.0% 


Kirchen  total: 


- 17.5% 


" Jews:  " - 55  " - 70  - " " -(-21.4%) 

The  situation  of  the  Kirchen  Jews  shows  the  marks  of  a dying  congregation:  An 
excess  of  21.4  % of  deaths.  The  flight  of  the  younger  generation  to  the  cities 
would  have  caused  the  congregation  to  die  out  in  a short  time. 


Even  tho  Sauer  opines:  The  mentioned  negative  factors  of  the  Jewish  population 
numbers. . .may  not  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  in  1933  the  Jewish  population  was 
near  dying  out  even  without  the  nazi  persecution,  i.e  destruction.  A population 
development  never  follows  mathematical  laws.  It  was  entirely  within  the  realm  of 
possibility,  that  as  in  France  following  WW®>,  when  the  reduction  of  births  can 
stop  the  reduction  and  so  perhaps  have  changed  the  entire  development. 

Admitting  the  basic  possibility  of  such  developments  it  appears  imlikely,  that 
Judged  by  current  developnent  of  Kirchen  Jews,  with  the  reduction  of  population 
and  the  great  aging  of  the  population,  there  would  have  been  a sudden  upswing 


in  more  peaceful  times. 

A view  of  the  long-term  population  developnent  1825  - 1939  shows  the  Just  described 


process . 

From  1825  - 1939  the  total  population  of  Kirchen  grew  almost  23%,  whereas  the 
Jewish  population  went  down  by  over  27%. 

The  general  population  of  Kirchen  had  a surplus  of  births  of  9.08%  from  1900  - 
1939,  while  the  Jews  had  a births  deficit  of  55.96  % in  the  same  period.  So 
whre  would  people  for  an  upswing  come  frc»n? 


Percentage  of  Jewish  population  in  Kirchen:  1825  - 9.6% 

1875  - 15.2% 

1900  - 10.4% 

1925  - 6.8% 

The  freedom  of  Jews  up  to  1935  was  relatively  great  in  spite  of  the  severe 


restirction  placed  on  than  after  the  special  laws  were  enacted. 


74 


So  one  thought  of  the  exclusionary  laws  a possible  generality  rather  than 
being  aimed  against  the  jews.  One  avoided  the  expression  'jew'  and  used  'non- 
arian'.  Also  the  veterans  of  WWI  as  well  as  those  employed  since  1 Aug. 1918 
were  exempted  from  these  laws. 

January  1935  Veist  Bloch  (72.0)  as  participant  in  WWI  received  'in  the  name  of 
the  Fuehrer  and  Reichskanzler'  the  'Cross  of  Honor'  for  war  participants  as 
established  by  Hindenburg. 

P.90  Certificate  of  award  of  'Cross  of  Honor*  for  WWI  veterans 

P.90  Veist  Bloch, 2nd. row,  extrane  right,  as  active  soldier 
As  late  as  July  1939  the  Landratsamt  Loerrach  issued  Veist  Bloch  a Heimatschein 
(certificate  of  residence-tr ) which  acknowledged  his  Reich  citizenship. 

With  the  proclamation  of  the  Nuernberg  laws  of  15  Sept. 1935  and  that  for  the 
ipj-Qtection  of  german  blood  & honor'  all  jews  were  forced  out  of  all  official 
and  public  positions.  These  Nuernberg  laws  first  brought  the  definition  of  a 
qualified  but  never  granted  'Reichsbuergerschaft ' (Reich  citizenship-tr  - a 
legalistic  point).  Exlcuded:  'Jew  is  one  descended  from  at  least  three  fully 
jewish  grandparents'  and  in  par. 2. 2 the  rule:  Jewish  'Mischling'  is  one  descended 
from  one  or  two  racially  jewish  grandparents.  Fully  jewish  is  considered  without 
question  is  one  grandparent  who  belonged  to  a jewish  religous  community."  In 
the  law  for  the  protection  of  German  blood  par.l  says:  Marriages  between  jews 
and  state  subjects  of  german  or  related  blood  are  forbidden.  Par. 2:  Non-mar ital 
relations  between  jews  and  german  subjects  or  those  of  related  blood  are  forbidden. 
No  reaction  can  be  ascertained  in  the  Kirchen  commimity  to  these  laws.  One 
simply  could  not  believe  that  in  a functioning  society  all  connections  and  the 
most  elementary  basis  of  life  was  to  be  prohibited.  How  impossible  this  was  to 
p0  believed  is  not  to  be  understood  as  an  underestimation  of  the  situation, 
yet  that  it  was  not  really  understood  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  only  4 persons 
emigrated  from  Kirchen  1933  - 1936  to  foreign  parts. 

P.  91  Heimatschein  ofVeist  & Berta  Bloch,  July  1939 

Veist  Bloch  with  son  Jakob  in  front  of  house  in  Kirchen 
Reprimand  of  Ef ringen  doctor  because  of  'friendliness  to  jews' 

The  general  ownership  of  house  and  home  and  land , the  respectable  prosperity , 
and  not  least  the  200-year  old  tradition  of  life  in  Kirchen,  kept  the  great 
maioritv  of  the  Kirchen  jews  from  considering  an  emigration. 


75 

Jewish  House  Ownership  in  Kirchen-  Efringen  P.92/3/4 

• 

The 

numerals  indicate  the  location  of  the  houses  on  the  map  P.94  - Lageplan. 

(LGB  nr.  = Lagebuch  number  - location  register  (tr.note:  Up  to  relatively 

recent  times  houses  were  identified  by  a number  on  a map;  street  numbers 

are 

relatively  recent.  See  Illustrations  pp.92  - 93.  (Not  all  illus.) 

1. 

LGB  # 193,  Baslerstr. 12,  2-fam. house,  Klara  Hamburger 

2. 

" # 39,  Baslerstr. 90/38,  One-story  house  w. stable  & shed, Isaak  & Salomon 

Bloch,  used  by  N.L. Wormser 

3. 

" # 228,  Baslerstr. 21, 2-fam.  & farm  bldgs ., Samuel  Moses  I 

4. 

" # 68/70,  ]m  Winkel,  1 st.hous  w. cellar,  hayloft, bam  & shed,  David 

Lieberles  ( Basel ) 

5. 

" # 278,  House  # 82,  Bergrain  8,  1 story  house  w. stable,  Regine  Bloch 

& Marie  Bloch 

6. 

" # 269,  house  # 77,  Bergrain  4, 2-fam. house  w. outbuildings  & Slaughterhouse, 

Isaak  Braunschweig 

7. 

Former  location  of  synagogue,  Friedr.Rotta  Str.  Syn.  had  Apt. 
& cellar,  also  outbuilding  w.  ritual  bath  & schoolroom,  prop, 
of  J.Congr. 

8. 

LGB  # 268  House  # 76,  Baslerstr . 103, 1-fam.hse.w.butchershop, 

Marx  Braunschweig 

9. 

" # 266,  House  3 266, Hse.#  73-B,  Friedrich  Rottra  Str.,  Condom. owner ship, 

outbuildings,  Hermann  Moses  & Eva  Schwab 

10. 

" # 265,  Hse.#  72,  F. Rottra  Str. , 1-f am. hse. with  shop, Julius  Bloch  & 

Sopjie  Geismar 

11. 

" # 253,  Hse.#  44, Bergrain  1 , 1-fam.hse. ,Veist  & Bertha  Bloch 

12. 

" Hse.#  4 l,Fr. Rottra  St. 58,  Emma  Olesheimer-Weil. 

13. 

" #192,  Hse.#  14, 2-f am. w. outbuildings, Henriette  Olesheimer  & 

L.  Braunschweig 

14 

" #194  Hse.#  1 3, F. Rottra  Str. 46, Condom. ownership (Stockwerkeigentum) 

w. outbuildings, Seligmann  Moses  & Auguste  Weil 

15. 

" #113  Hse. 1 23, F. Rottra  Str. 11, 2-story  hse., bam  & stable, shed  & 

•Abort' (outside  gravity  toilet-tr) , Samuel  Moses  II 

16. 

" #232  Hse.#  17,  Brcanen  3, 2-f amhse.w. outbuildings,  Auguste  Bloch- 

Wachenheimer 

17. 

" # 467/8  Hse. #183,  Neusetze  20,1 -story  dwellin  ghouse  & 2^  story  storehouse, 

Rosa  Moses  nee  Weil. 

18. 

" #1844-a  (Efr ingen ),Hauptstr. 2, House  w. garden  & f ields , Sigmund  Harburger 

• 

19. 

" # 4483  (E)  J.Cemetary- total  19ar,7-cem.-J. Congregation 

In 

the  Lagebuch  of  the  Coomune  Kirchen  Jewish  ownership  is  shown  in  black. 

76 


This  statistic  shows  that  over  90%  of  the  Jewish  citizens  of  Kirchen  lived 
in  their  own  homes Aiouses . So  the  businennes  of  Leopold  Braunschweiger  & Veist 
Bloch  the  most  highly  taxed ;L. Braunschweiger  owned  one  of  the  first  autos. 

Other  cattle  dealers,  who  were  among  the  most  propsperous  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Kirchen  were:  Moses  Olesheimer,  Alexander  Bloch,  Julius  Bloch,  Salomon  Bloch, 
Isaak  Braunschweiger,  Marx  Braunschweiger,  Samuel  Moses  I & II. 

1922  - 1933  10  applications  were  made  by  Jewish  citizens  to  build  or  rebuild 
their  dwelling-resp. business  houses.  Isaak  Braunschweiger  on  29  June  1924 
sulxnits  the  following  plan  for  a new  dwelling  house.  See  Plan  - P.95 

P.95  Veist  Bloch  in  front  of  his  House  in  Kirchen 
After  the  relatively  quiet  years  1934/5,  during  which  the  NSDAP  consolidated  it's 
might  in  the  economic,  social  S.  political  speres, after  the  release  of  the  so-called 
Nuremberg  laws  of  1935  the  anti-Jewish  measiares  became  more  pronounced  & stricter. 
The  mass  emigration  of  Jews  from  Germany  to  foreign  countries  began.  But  most 
of  the  overly  aged  Jews  of  Germany  were  prepared  for  emigration  nor  willing  to 
ijndertake  same;  up  to  now  they  were  after  all  still  germans.  Those  countries  that 
in  the  early  years  of  the  Third  Reich  took  in  Jews  needed  above  all  artisans 
& farmers.  Occupations  great lu  underrepresented  among  Jews  for  many  reasons. 

Most  were  too  old  for  retraining.  The  best  opportunity  to  get  to  foreign  countries 
had  those  children  between  ages  15  & 20.  They  could  still  learn  a trade  or 
farming,  and  alter  were  able  to  assist  their  families  in  the  new  land.  The 
chances  of  childless  or  older  Jews  to  emigrate  were  slim. 

The  pol-itical  climate  in  those  countries  that  accepted  jews  was  mostly 
troubled.  The  economic  crisis  of  the  early  thirties  as  well  as  growing  nationalism 
saw  in  the  immigrating  Jews  only  people  who  wanted  to  make  the  scarce  bread 
even  scarcer.  From  the  Laender  Baden  & Wurtemberg  in  1933,  2,114  Jews  emigrated; 
1934  - 1,236,  but  1935  only  997.  The  Jewish  population  of  the  two  states  by  1935 
was  reduced  prox.14%  solely  by  emigration.  By  comparison  the  emigration  from 
Kirchen  was  barely  6%.  After  1936  the  number  of  emigrants  grew  steadily.  1936  - 
2,066  & 1937  - 2,186  in  B./W. 

Until  May  1934  the  decree  of  the  Reichspresident  of  8 Dec.  1931  was  applied: 

For  the  seciirity  of  economy  & finances  and  protection  of  internal  peace;  by  the 
transfer  of  money  & property  out  of  Germany.  This  stated;  Who  had  a worth  of  over 
RM  200,000  and  annual  income  of  RM  20,000  had  to  pay  a 'Reichsfluchtsteuer" 

(tax  to  permit  removal  of  assets  to  foreign  parts-tr;  of  25%.  Atter  May  lyjo 
this  was  changed  to  RM  50,000  assets  & 20,000  RM  annual  income.  Up  to  1937 
one  could  take  along  RM  50.00  in  foreign  ciirrency,  after  1937  RM  10.00.  (TR. 
questions  these  last  3 amounts.  In  Muellheim,1936  RM  10. -was  the  allowed  amount). 


77 


The  blocked  accounts  that  emigrants  had  to  leave  behind  after  the  sales  of 
their  houses  & properties  were  in  the  beginning  still  relatively  accessible. 

After  1938  the  transfer  loss  tended  to  be  92  - 94%  of  the  total  assets. 

The  later  jews  sold  their  properties  in  order  to  finance  emigration  the  greater 
their  loss. 

So  the  Kirchener  had  to  sell  their  houses  way  below  market.  After  1941  property 
still  in  Jewish  ownership  were  forcibly  expropriated.  Among  these  in  Kirchen 
was  the  no  longer  existing  house  # 11  of  Samuel  Moses  II » #41  of  Emma  Olesheimer- 
Weil,  the  no  longer  standing  synagogue  building  with  the  school,  # 122  of  Isaak 
and  Salomon  Bloch  of  Basel,  # 123  of  Samuel  Moses  II,  # 183  of  Rosa  Moses  Weil, 
and  in  Ef ringen  Hauptstr.2  of  Sigmund  Harburger. 

In  a letter  from  the  Chamber  of  Industry  & Commerce  Schopfheim  of  10  Oct. 1938 
preventive  measures  were  suggested  against  those  persons  who  by  virtue  of  their 
occupation  could  evade  the  foreign  exchange  regulations  and  perhaps  secretly 
work  towards  their  emigration.  For  Kirchen  was  noted  with  particualr  suspicion 
the  firm  Gebr.  Mose,  owner  Alfred  Weil,  trade  in  hides.  When  in  1937  - one 
considers  the  time  - wanted  to  buy  a piece  of  land  of  Rosa  Bloch  nee  Moses 
of  Basel,  the  Reichsnaehrstand  (food  supply  author i ty-tr ) Muellheim  to  the  Kirchen 
Buergermeisteramt : 'But  we  want  to  try  that  this  sale  not  be  permitted,  since 
we  can't  see  why  the  jew  Weil  should  get  this  parcel  ...and  that  perhaps  a farmer 
can  be  interested  in  a purchase. ' 

On  8 August  1939  the  Kreisbauemschaft  (district  peasant  leadership-tr ) Muellheim 
told  the  Kirchen  town  office  to  list  all  Jewish  properties,  in  compliance  with 
a law  re  the  use  of  Jewish  assets,  in  order  to  sell  these  properties  to  aryans 
soonest.  Among  these  were:  Isaak  Braunschweiger,  Marx  Levi -Braunschweiger,  Isak 
Bloch  of  Basel,  Salomon  Bloch  of  Basel,  Marie  Bloch,  Regina  Bloch,  David  Lieberles- 
Maier  of  Basel,  Samuel  Moses,  Samuel  Moses  II,  Rosa  Weil,  Alfred  Weil  and  the 
Jewish  congregation  Kirchen. 

By  changes  in  trade-laws  Jews  were  forbidden  to  work  at  occupations  they 
frequently  followed,  such  as  real  estate  brokerage  & building  management.  By  the 
decree  of  12  Nov.  1938  for  the  exclusion  of  jews  from  the  economy  jews  were  now 
totally  bereft  of  any  possibility  of  working  at  their  occupations.  It  was  of 
course  now  routine  that  business  were  to  be  'entjudet'  (freed  of  Jews-tr)  and/or 
aryanized.  This  law  included  almost  all  employees  in  economy  & industry. 

Before  this  came  the  law  for  the  registration  of  the  Jew's  assets  on  26  April 
1938,  with  which  the  Jews  lost  the  ability  to  dispose  of  their  assets  without 
prior  approval.  Jews  whose  citizenship  was  revoked  had  their  assets  seized.  Based 

on  the  above  mentioned  laws  the  jews  were  a.o.  forbidden  to  buy  objets  d'art 


78 


or  jewelry  or  to  own  same.  Jewish  physicians  lost  their  registration,  25  July 
1938,  were  now  called  'carer  of  the  sick'  and  could  only  have  Jewish  patients. 
November  1938  the  few  Jewish  attorneys  still  admitted  at  courts  were  banned, 
and  could  thereafter  only  act  as  'consultants'  to  Jews  in  matters  of  advice 
and  representation. 

With  the  3rd  notice  of  23  July  1938  re  'Kennkarten'  (ID  cords-tr)  Jews  were 
issued  special  cards  marked  with  a large  'J',  and  had  to  be  shown  at  any  & every 
visit  to  any  official  agency  without  request. 

After  teh  second  decree  of  18  August  1938  re  the  change  of  family  and  first  names 
Jews  were  only  allowed  to  carry  specific  'Jewish'  first  names  (Jakob,  Joseph, 
David,  etc.  were  not  included  in  this  category !) .When  Jews  had  a german  first 
name  they  had  to  add  a middle  name  - Israel  for  men  & Sarah  for  women. 

The  little  leeway  Jews  hadafter  1933  was  zero  by  this  time.  Even  the  most  well- 
meaning  & optimistic  Jew  of  this  period  must  finally  have  realized  that  it  was 
impossible  for  them  to  remain  in  Germany.  For  most  this  realization  came  too  late. 
The  classic  emigration  countries  of  the  17th  - 19th  centuries  such  as  Switzerland 
and  the  USA,  and  to  a limited  extent  France,  had  by  this  time  closed  the  borders 
or  admitted  only  a few  priviledged  Jews.  Alsace  in  particular  was  an  emigration 
goal  for  the  Kirchen  Jews  in  the  first  years  of  Nazism.  Many  families  had  friends, 
relatives  and  business  acquaintances  there.  One  spoke  the  same  language,  for 
the  grandparents  and  great-grandparents  of  not  a few  Kirchen  Jews  came  from 
Alsace.  But  after  1933  France  tightened  the  borders  with  Germany  more  and  more. 

The  difficult  economic  situation  and  latent  anti-semitism  added  to  these  problems. 
Switzerland,  the  classic  land  of  asylum  of  the  19th  century,  the  most  attractive 
to  many  thru  family  or  business  connections  of  the  markgraefler  Jews,  until  about 
1935  admitted  the  droves  of  genticin  Jews  and  gave  them  at  least  a temporary  haven. 
German  Jews  were  preferred  to  eastern  Jews  because  of  their  greater  likelyhood 
of  assimilation;  by  1900  half  of  the  Jews  of  Switzerland  were  eastern  already. 

1920  of  20,  779  Jews,  11,551  were  'Ostjuden'.  The  percentage  of  Jews  to  the  total 
population  was  0.44%;  Jews  were  2.3%  of  all  foreigners  Beginning  1933  strict 
laws  were  enacted  prohibiting  the  employment  of  Jews,  and  residence  permits  were 
limited  to  only  a few  months.  An  agreement  between  the  swiss  and  the  german 
authorities  led  to  the  marking  of  Jew's  passports  with  a 'J',  in  spite  of  heavy 
protests  in  Switzerland.  Further, Jews  were  admitted  only  when  a consul  agreed  to 
their  stay  in  Switzerland  or  if  they  had  to  travel  thru  Switzerland  to  another 

country . 

August  1942  the  swiss  border  was  closed  totally.  After  strong  protests  of  the 


population  they  were  reopened  partially  later. 


03 


The  USA  was  the  goal  of  most  of  the  german  emigrants,  including  those  from 
Kirchen.  Because  of  high  immigration  rates  1920  - 1930  immigration  laws  were 
tightened  greatly.  1932/3  only  996  germans  were  admitted  to  US  residency.  1933/4 
4,392  german  jews  emigrated  to  the  USA,  and  after  1936  climbed  to  over  10,000. 

The  chances  of  the  emigrants  to  settle  in  the  usa  were  better  for  the  german 
jews  than  in  an  other  country  in  spite  of  the  low  quotas.  Whoever  had  relatives 
orfriends  there  who  would  guarantee  for  them  (Affidavits)  could  be  certain  to 
receive  the  emigration  permit. 

P.98  Isaak  & Frieda  Braunschweiger  in  Paris,  July  1938; destination  New  York 
1933  - 1940  8,846  jews  entered  the  USA  from  Baden  S,  Wurtemberg.  Of  these 
emigrated:  1933-1935  5.8%;  1936/7  - 21 .9%, 1936-1939  49.6%, 1940  - 22.7%. 

The  Gain  of  the  USA  in  culturally  & technically  educated  emigrants  from  Germany 
is  even  today  incalculable. 

Palestine,  under  english  mandate  after  1920,  until  1932  had  a very  minor  role 
as  emigration  destination  for  german  jews. 

Between  1933  & 1936  an  average  of  7,000  german  jews  emigrated  to  Palestine  since 
in  this  country  they  could  salvage  most  of  their  assets  most  easily.  Occupationally 
it  looked  very  bad  for  the  emigrants.  The  land  needed  farmers,  artisans,  drivers, 
laborers.  But  the  german  jews  were  mostly  merchants  or  academicians.  A change  in 
occupation  was  alregely  inescapable.  After  1937  thie  emigration  went  down  to 
3,600  jews.  Arab  circles  influenced  the  german  & english  governments  to  stop 
this  mass  emigration. 

The  age-grouping  in  Efringen-Kirchen  1936  - 1938  is  interesting  for  the  now 
beginning  flight.  1936  Kirchen  had  52  jewish  inhabitants.  23%  were  of  the  30-year 
old  group,  ca.  29%  were  over  60,  48%  were  between  30  & 60. 

1938  only  saw  31  jews  living  there:  Agegroup  30  - under  10%.  But  over  55%  were 
over  60. 

The  population  pyramid  of  Kirchen  stood  on  it's  head.  The  year  1938,  particularly 
after  the  occurrences  of  the  Kristallnacht  on  9 Nov.  1938,  opened  the  eyes  of 
the  most  unseeing  to  the  intentions  of  the  National  Socialists. 

The  Reichspogromnacht  of  9 November  1938 

P.99  The  'Alemanne'  reports  of  the  'sponaneous  anti-jewish  rallies' 
in  the  Markgraeflerland. 

The  so-called  'peoples  anger',  that  expressed  itself  to  the  Markgraefler  jewish 
cCTimunities,  resulting  from  the  assassination  of  the  german  embassy  councillor 
von  Rath  at  Paris,  demonstrated  clearly  the  unscrupulous  fanaticism  of  the 
Nazis  as  shown  in  the  headline  of  the  Oberbadischen  Volksblatt  of  11  Nov.  1938. 


In  Kirchen  too  the 


synagogue  and  the  schoolbuildings  were  heavily  damaged, 


80 


' apparently  by  strangers ' , probably  SA  or  SS  under  leadership  of  the  then 
Buergenneister  of  Haltingen;  the  male  jews  were  arrested  by  the  Gestapo  and 
taken  to  KZ  Dachau,  where  after  a number  of  weeks  they  were  allowed  to  return 

home. 

The  ' Ober badisches  Volksblatt'  reported: 

Kirchen,  12  November.  Outraged  over  the  cowardly  Jewish  murder  in  Paris  the 
local  synagogue  here  was  destroyed.  The  books  and  documents  therein  were  seized. 
During  the  search  two  ' Schaechtmesser ' (butcher  knives  for  ritual  slaughter-tr ) 
were  found  that  should  have  been  surrendered  after  the  law  regulating  ritual 
slaughtering.  The  male  jews  still  resident  here  were  taken  in  to  protective 
custody.  - The  Schaechtmesser  were  siarrendered  to  the  Rathaus  in  Kirchen  after 
the  ant i-scha echten  law  April  1933.  (Report  of  Mr. Alfred  Rosenberg.) 

What  exactly  ahppened  during  these  activities  probably  remains  in  the  dark. 

What  is  established  is  that  a party  formation  from  Haltingen  led  by  that  Buermeister 
plundered  the  synaogue,  threw  ritual  articles  and  dishes  from  the  former  teachers 
dwelling  into  the  street  and  neighboring  gardens,  and  destroyed  the  sanctuary. 

To  what  extent  the  local  population  participated  is  uncertain.  The  jews  of 
Kirchen  were  herded  together  and  had  to  witness  the  destruction  of  their  house  of 
God.  The  eight-grade  of  the  Volkschule  was  led  to  the  destroyed  synagogue  the 

next  morning . . 

Men  were  taken  into  'protective  custody'  and  taken  to  KZ  Dachau.  "The  male  jews 
were  first  taken  from  their  homes  during  the  midday  hours  of  8-10  November  1938 
by  Gestapo  and  other  party  units  and  taken  to  the  jail  at  Loerrach.  They  were 
allowed  to  take  a small  quantity  of  clothing  and  minor  articles.  From  there  they 
were  transported  by  truck  to  Dachau.  After  ca.6-8  weeks  these  jews  returned  to 
their  homes.  The  follwoing  Kirchen  jews  were  included: 

Alexander  Bloch,  Samuel  Braunschweig,  Jonas  Olesheimer,  Veist  Bloch,  Samuel  Moses  I, 
Alfred  Weil,  Marx  Braunschweig, Samuel  Moses  II, Lehmann  Wormser. 

In  neighboring  Loerrach  the  events  took  a similar  course. 

P.lOO  - top  to  bottom: 

The  November  pogrom  in  Loerrach: The  destroyed  interior  fo  the  synagogue. 

The  former  north-side  of  the  new  Marktplatz.  The  light  building  is  the  synagogue 
shortly  before  demolition,  next  to  it  the  Judenschule  and  the  shed  of  house 
Teichstr.17.  Donolished  1939/40. 


After  the  demolition  of  the  synagogue. 


P.lOl  Oberbad. Volksblatt  - 11  & 12  Nov. 1938 
Kirchen  after  bombardment  1940. 


81 


The  ruins  of  the  synagogue  of  Kirchen  were  totally  destroyed  during  the  bom- 
bardment of  1940  and  demolished  totally  later  on. 

These  events  gave  the  remaining  jews  of  Kirchen  impetus  to  emigrate,  even  tho 
they  did  not  want  to  leave  their  homes  at  any  price. 

P.  102  Former  location  fo  synagogue,  Kirchen 
Emigration  from  the  Jewish  Community  Kirchen. 

The  following  emigrated  1933  - 1941  from  Baden  & Wurtemberg: 

(see  table  - center,?. 102) 

In  Kirchen  the  major  emigration,  with  53.6%of  all  emigrants,  was  1938.  92.7% 

of  all  willing  to  emigrate  left  before  1939,  whereas  for  B.  & W.  only  67% 
emigrated.  Reasons  for  the  relative  early  emigration  may  have  been  the  nearness 
of  France  & Switzerland,  particularly  the  connections  with  firends  & relatives 

living  abroad. 

Where  did  the  individual  Kirchen  jews  go  in  the  particular  years:  USA  leads 
with  about  64%  , followed  by  France  with  7 (17%)  and  Switzerland  with  6 (15%0. 

P.102  -bottom:  Chart  showing  years  & destinations  of  emigration 
For  the  Kircheners  the  observation  that  in  the  first  years  of  the  repressions, 
1933  - 1935,  the  young  & youngest  jews  emigrated,  and  as  things  got  worse  the 

older  jews  strove  for  emigration,  does  not  apply. 

P.103  to  top  of  P.106:  Illustrated  listing  of  emigratns  & destinations. 

(Not  included  in  the  above  list  are  the  family  Alperowitz,  who  had  lived  in 
Muellheim  for  over  10  years  and  emigrated  from  there). 

The  total  fo  41  persons  who  left  Kirchen  1933  - 1940  totally  disrupted  the 
life  of  the  congregation.  So  no  worship  was  held  any  more,  the  synagogue  was 
destroyed.  Leopold  Braunschweig  (pic. P.106)  functioned  as  cantor  & teacher,  but 

left  July  1938. 

The  number  of  laws  promulgatedafter  the  Kristallnacht  of  9 Nov. 1938  literally 
tripped  over  each  other.  The  jews  were  prohibited  to  enter: Theater,  cinemas, 
exhibitions,  concerts,  cabarets.  Museums,  restaurants,  public  baths,  sports 
events  & areas,  etc.  In  fact  parts  of  a town  or  community  could  be  declared 
'Sperrbezirke'  (closed  areas-tr)  to  jews  (Judenbann  - ban  on  jews-tr) 

Jews  had  to  give  up  their  drivers  licenses  & vehicle  registrations.  They  were 
forced  to  turn  in  radios,  electrical  appliances,  typewriters,  bicycles,  woolen 
clothing,  even  extra  clothing,  without  compensation. Telephones  were  cancelled. 
The  use  of  public  phone  booths  was  toroiaaen  da  well  --c  of  public 

transportation.  They  were  no  longer  allowed  to  buy  newspapers,  children  were 
not  allowed  to  attend  public  or  private  schools  or  universities.  In  the  law 

re  tenancy  of  jews  of  30  april  1939  renta  and  dwelling  protection  was  cancelled. 


82 


Jews  could  be  forced  to  house  strange  jews  in  their  dwellings.  Jewish  owners 
of  houses  could  only  rent  to  other  jews.  Later  jews  would  be  displaced  from 
their  dwellings  and  jammed  tightly  in  so-called  ' Judenhaeuser ' . The  ghetto  of 
the  middle  ages  reentered  Germany.  The  fate  of  Frau  Hammel  illustrates  this. 

In  August  1939  she  wanted  to  move  from  Offenburg  to  Kirchen.  This  was  denied 
as  'not  in  the  interest  of  the  community',  she  should  seek  a jewish  dwelling  at 
Offenburg. 

On  3 Sept. 1939  the  civilian  population  of  the  markgraefler  villages  close  to 
the  Rhine  were  evacuated,  including  Kirchen 's  entire  population.  The  jews  were 
sent  primarily  to  Konstanz,  a small  number  to  Schopfheim.  In  December  the  civil 
population  was  allowed  to  return  to  Kirchen  and  other  villages,  but  not  the  jews. 
They  lived  in  Konstanz,  mostly  in  the  Taegermoosstr . , Doebele— Str . ,Sigesmund— Str . 

& Rheingasse  near  the  destroyed  synagogue.  If  they  wanted  to  go  after  their 
things  or  look  after  their  still  not  confiscated  houses,  the  needed  a permit 
from  the  Landrat,  and  had  to  check  in  with  the  town  office  coming  & going. 

R0nt  was  not  paid  for  the  abandoned  properties,  even  tho  most  were  occupied, 
and  they  had  to  pay  rent  in  Konstanz  or  whereever. 

A decree  of  the  Reichsminister  for  food  & agriculture  reguired  that  all  farmlands 
still  in  ' Judenhaenden ' be  sold  to  farmers  immediately.  The  Buergermeisteramt 
advised;  The  jewish-owned  parcels,  meadows  and  fields  are  small  parcels  in  various 
locations,  are  not  suitable  for  settlement,  and  at  best  can  be  sold  to  farmers 
or  abutting  neighbors.  A sale  of  these  properties  is  currently  impossible  since 
at  the  moment  the  real  estate  market  is  totally  quiescent  in  this  borderzone. 

On  6 Febr,1940  Alfred  Weil,  now  resident  at  Konstanz,  requested  permission 
to  get  his  remaining  clothes  and  furniture  from  his  house  in  Kirchen.  He  got  the 
permission.  But  when  he  was  unable  to  act  within  the  time  set  the  permit  expired. 
He  re-applied,  giving  poor  health  as  reason  for  previous  noncompliance,  the 
Gestapo  advised  the  Landratsamt  that  couldn't  make  the  decision:  There  is  no 
question  that  the  jew  Weil  in  old  jewish  method  wants  to  exploit  the  courtesy 
of  the  authorities". 

Kirchen  became  'judenrein'  thru  wartime  con  ditions.  The  Gau  Baden  was  soon 
to  follow. 

P.107  Gauleiter  Wagner  at  Schloss  Roettlen  - 1934 
With  the  victory  over  France  Gauleiter  Robert  Wagner  of  Baden  saw  the  possibility 
to  solve  the  'Judenfrage'  in  his  Gau  ^alst:rlcr-^:r ; once  ö<  lux  dxx.  In 
arbitrary  reading  by  the  armistice  commission  in  Wiesbaden  under  General  v. 
Stuelpnagel  and  the  french  delegation  under  General  Huntzinger  i.e  the  regime 


83 


at  Vichy  to  permit  the  transfer  of  all  jews  from  Alsace  & Lorraine  to  the 
unoccupied  France,  Gauleiter  Wagner  of  Baden  & Joseph  Buerkel  (GL  of  Palatinate 
S,  Saarland)  in  a night  & fog  operation  ordered  the  deportation  of  all  jews  on 
22  Oct. 1940.  With  this  plan  an  old  established  population  group  was  deprived  of 
their  homes  and  expelled  from  their  villages  S,  cities. 

5,362  jews  of  Baden,  that  is  82.5%  of  the  total  of  6,500  explelled  jews  from 

the  3 'Gaue'  were  quickly  excelled,  some  on  such  short  notice  that  they  couldn't 

even  pack  a minimal  amoiant  of  clothing  & belongings,  under  the  limit  of  50kg 

per  person  as  well  as  100  RM  per  person.  Driven  into  trucks  they  were  hauled  to  the 

nearest  collection  point  where  special  trains  were  sent  to  France  via  Belfort. 

P.108  Notice  of  completion  of  expulsion  of  Jews  from  Baden  S.  Pfalz 

Jews  of  the  Markgraeflerland  were  assembled  on  the  Loerrach  Marktplatz 
on  22  Oct. 1940,  taken  by  trucks  to  trains  in  Freiburg. 

As  the  deportation  at  Loerrach  & Grenzach  proceeded,  at  Kirchen  there  were  no 

longer  any  jews  resident,  documents  of  the  Staatsarchiv  Freiburg  give  us  data; 

Report  of  the  Landratsamt  Loerrach  of  30  August  1946: 

On  22  Oct.  1940  all  male  & female  jews  with  their  children,  with  a small  amount  of 
baggage,  where  during  the  early  morning  hours  taken  from  their  homes  by  the 
Gestapo  and  other  political  units  and  assembled.  They  were  then  taken  to  Freiburg 
from  which  they  were  to  be  transported  to  Gurske  ( ! ) . At  the  departures  hateful 
gaffers  and  other  similar  elements  collected  and  were  abusive;  stones  or  similar 
objects  were  not  thrown  at  the  transport  carriages. 

The  report  for  Grenzach  was:  As  far  as  can  be  ascertained  the  transport  of  the 
two  couples  Bloch  (formerly  of  Kirchen)  was  handled  by  the  Gestapo  per  truck. 
Furniture,  household  articles,  fabrics  (Bloch  sold  fabrics  on  the  road)were 
confiscated  by  the  Gestapo,  some  of  which  were  auctioned  off  at  Grenzach,  and 
the  rest  carried  of  per  truck. 

The  destination  of  this  trip  was  Gurs.  A large  camp  at  the  foor  of  the  Pyrenees 
(southern  France)  erected  May  1939  for  an  expected  7,000  refugees  from  the  Spanish 
civil  war  by  the  french  government. 

The  first  internees  were  Spanish  republican  soldiers  and  anti-fascist  civilians, 
added  to  this  were  about  6,000  volunteers  of  the  International  Brigade  that 
fought  on  the  republican  side.  These  volunteers  came  from  all  parts  of  Europe, 
a mixed  group,  heavily  socialist  or  comnunist  backgrounds.  Many  fo  them  couldn't 
or  didn't  want  to  return  to  their  either  occupied  or  totalitarian  homelands  in 
Central  Europe.  Most  wanted  to  take  up  the  fight  agaisnt  Hitler,  either  as  part 
of  the  french  resistance  or  their  own  nation's,  often  supported  from  abroad. 

In  the  first  months  of  1940  the  camp  emptied  slowly  because  the  Spanish  refugees 


were  employed  in  construction  fo  french  defense 


works 


83 


or  in  armaments  industry.  Some  joined  the  French  Foreign  Legion  in  North  Africa. 

France's  defeat  June  1940  many  Spaniards  in  the  franch  army  became  prisoners 
of  war.  They  were  later  abducted  into  german  KZs  with  the  agreement  of  the 


collaborating  regime  in  Vichy. 

P.109  Jews  deported  from  Germany  to  the  Pyrenees,  22  Oct. 1940 
May  1940  the  Germans  attacked  Holland,  Belgium,  Luxemburg  and  north-eastern 
France.  Many  people,  jews,  anti-fascists,  opposing  intellectuals  who  had  already 
fled  from  the  Nazis,  were  once  again  in  flight,  marked  as  'landesirables ' . End 
Qf  October  1940  many  of  them  were  interned  at  Camp  de  Gurs,  together  with  about 
6,500  jews  from  Baden  and  the  Saarpfalz.  Among  them  were  particularly  many  old 
people,  invalids  & children.  As  France  had  to  bend  to  the  might  of  Germany 
and  the  collaborationist  government  in  Vichy  was  formed,  not  only  foreign  jews 
were  interned  but  french  ones  also,  i.e.  the  french  opposition  to  Vichy. 

The  following  28  Kirchener  jews  were  caught  up  in  the  Robert  Wagner  Aktion' 


and  deported  to  Gurs:  see  table  - P.llO. 

(the  second  column  is  where  they  were  picked  up;  the  3rd  gives  their  fate— 

' QJ70SS ' denotes  death  in  german  usage;  verschollen=lost  w/o  trace) 

(This  listing  concerns  native  jews  of  Kirchen  or  who  had  married  there.  Of  the 
18  deported  to  Gurs,  8 no  longer  lived  in  Kirchen  1939.) 

Conditions  in  Gurs  were  described  by  Maurice  Meier  in  his  1946  book; 'Letters 
to  my  Son'.  I let  him  speak  here  since  he  is  closely  connected  with  the  former 
jewish  congregation  at  Kirchen  by  relationships. 

Maurice  Meier, bom  1893  Nonnenweier,  is  a stepson  of  Sophia  Braunschweig  of 
Kirchen,  who  1901  married  the  widowed  merchant  Max  Meier  at  Nonnenweier.  Of  this 
marriage  came  a daughter  Senta,  b.l904,  who  1934  emigrated  to  USA  & married  there. 


P.lll  Passportphote  of  Maurice  Meier 

Meier  married  Martha  Abraham  of  Rust  1923.  Shortly  after  their  marriage 
they  moved  to  Tiengen/Hochrhein  and  bought  and  worked  a large  farm.  Here  their 
two  children  Ernst  & Ilse-Jeanette  were  bom.  After  Hitler's  accession  to  power 
they  sold  their  property,  the  beginning  persecution  of  jews  made  life  untenable 
there,  and  in  northern  France  aquired  a large  farm,  form  erly  part  of  a monastery 
St . Redegunde , that  they  worked  with  other  relatives.  1939  Maurice  was  interned 
as  enemy  alien,  was  freed  a short  time  later,  and  after  the  1940  occupation  of 
France  was  re— arrested  by  german  troops  and  brought  to  Gurs . Here  he  met  some 
of  his  relatives  from  Kirchen  & Nonnenweier  who  had  just  arrived  a tew  days  oerore 


among  the  6,500  jews  from  Baden  and  the  Palatinate.  The  letters  to  his  son  are  from 


this  period,  which  aside  from  depicting  the  horrible  situation  are  a pedagogic 


attainment  of  the  first 


rank. 


84 


The  entire  family  Meier  was  killed  at  Auschwitz.  He  himself  was  able  to  flee 
to  Switzerland  1944,  and  1946  emigrated  to  the  USA  physically  & psychically 
broken.  (Re  the  life  and  fate  of  this  family  see  chapter : Traces  & Fates). 

Maurice  Meier  reports: 

"....  lonely,  like  a ship  on  the  ocean,  this  camp  Gurs  is  located  in  a treeless 
and  unshaded  region.  From  a distance  one  sees  the  Tricolor  flying  from  a high  point 
at  the  camp  entrance.  A few  meters  within  the  fenced  area  the  cars  stopped  and  we 
got  out.  The  fright  which  gripped  me  on  the  first  view  of  this  camp  and  while 
being  directed  here  and  there,  became  less  as  I heard  Baden  and  Palatinate 
dialects  spoken.  The  sounds  of  my  native  tongue,  not  heard  for  so  long,  gave 
me  a feeling  of  comfort." 

"The  barracks  assigned  to  us  were  empty  and  without  light.  So  the  first  night 
one  went  to  sleep  on  the  bare  floor,  without  beds,  in  the  dark,  as  well  as  we 
could.  We  moved  close  together  to  keep  warm.  If  somebody  had  to  get  up  during  the 
night  for  the  toilet  the  whole  row  moved  like  an  accordion....!  will  try  to 
describe  Gurs.  Our  barracks  is  of  wood.  The  walls  have  cracks  of  fingers  breadth 
but  no  slats  over  them.  We  stuff  (these  cracks)  with  paper  and  earth  & grass. 

The  windowframes  have  no  glass  or  any  other  covering.  One  cal  close  these 
openeings  with  a wooden  shutter,  and  this  we  did  at  night.  Daytime,  when  the 
shutters  are  opened,  wind  and  rain  come  in  with  the  light.  The  roof  is  covered 
with  tar  paper  but  tom  by  the  storm.  At  the  soggy  spots  on  the  floor  one  can 
tell  where  the  leaks  are.  At  each  end  is  a door.  Sills  lay  in  the  ground.  Maybe 
there  was  once  a wooden  floor,  and  others  who  here  before  us,  used  it  for  something 
are  burned  it  in  fires  to  keep  warm.  Neither  table  nor  chair,  no  light,  bed, 
stove  is  here.  I estimate  that  25-30  barracks  stand  in  the  Hot. 

The  toilet  facility,  that  can  be  used  bay  about  15  persons  simultanously , is 
arranged  as  sort  of  a terrace.  One  climbs  up  a few  steps.  This  is  difficult  for 
foot-amputees,  who  have  to  balance  on  one  foot  during  anture's  call.  Over  a long 
trough  a few  water  taps  are  moianted.  Here  on  washes  oneself  and  one's  laundry. 

Daily  250  gr.  bread  are  given,  coffee  in  the  mornings,  midday  & evening  meals. 

Food  is  picked  up  in  a bucket  per  barrack  from  the  kitchen. . . . the  Hot  is  sur- 
rounded with  a tightly  woven  dovible  row  of  barbed  wire.  The  guard  at  the  entrance 
only  permits  entry  or  exit  if  one  ahs  a pass.  We  are  people  of  many  nations. 

There  might  be  2-3%  aryans  in  o\ir  Hot.  The  percentage  of  baptized  jews  is 
larger the  camp  street  is  about  1^  km  long,  to  the  right  and  left  are  the 


Hots. 


P.112  Letter  from  Gurs, 25  Nov. 1940,  from  Samuel  Braunschweig 
P.113  Cairp  Gurs  at  the  Pyrenees. 


85 


a)  Photo 

b)  Plan 


b)  Plan  - tr.of  table:  Barbed  wire  fence 

Guards  quarters 
Administration 
Water  reservoir 
l.Camp  Administration 
2. Sickbay 

3.  Meeting  and  visiting  barrack 

4.  Punishment  Hot 

One  like  another  are  surrounded  by  double  barbed  wire.  The  Hots  have  only  one 
exit  to  the  street,  guarded  day  & night,  a strip  of  land,  several  meters  wide, 
so-called  neutral  groiand , separates  one  Hot  from  another.  The  whole  camp  itself 
is  surrounded  by  a mighty  barbed  wire  fence." 

You  may  have  been  surprised  to  receive  so  much  mail  from  Gurs.  Yes,  all  our 

relatives  and  many  friends  are  here,  I've  spoken  to  most  of  them  already.... 

Why  didn't  they  leave  Germany?  There  are  many  reasons.  Some  were  in  KZ  Dachau, 

others  couldn't  get  a passport,  all  of  them  lacked  the  emigration  visa  for  another 

country,  and  none  of  them  have  anything,  became  poor  due  to  the  confiscation. 

Noone  had  any  idea  of  the  coming  expulsion.  They  were  ordered  to  be  ready  to 

go  within  an  housr,  with  30kg  baggage It  was  permitted  to  everyone  to  keep 

RM  200  in  paper.  Under  threat  of  being  shot  to  death  it  was  forbidden  to  take 

along  more  money  or  valuables.  Nevertheless  many  brought  jewelry.  They  had  learned 

that  Hitler's  minions  had  a weakness  for  money  and  would  so  do  favors. 

The  internees  were  exploited  from  all  sides  and  milked  like  lice  by  ants 

It  is  shattering  to  have  tb-how  the  starved  dead  bodies,  frozen  in  the  morning 

cold,  were  loaded  on  the  corpse  collection  cart  and  carted  off,  10  - 20  people 

daily.  In  24  hours  more  than  earlier  in  a week.  The  Jewish  social  service  committee, 

the  Quakers  and  the  Swiss  Help  (Schweizerhilfe)  made  desperate  attempt  to  curtail 

the  deaths  due  to  hunger  and  cold,  and  to  some  of  the  needy  give  extra  food. 

P.114  Drawing  of  the  Camp  Barracks  at  Gurs. 

(upper  left)  Camp  rule:  Attempted  Flight.  - see  below: 

Escape  Attanpt  - Any  escape  attempt  will  be  puniched  by  jailterm  set  by 
Center  director.  Prefect  will  be  informed. 

A second  attempt  will  meet  double  punishment,  and  if  a new 
attempt  is  made  the  internee  will  be  sent  to  the  punishment 
camp  LeVernet. 

"The  days  here  are  dark  & dreary.  The  dark  tom  clouds  hang  deep.  The  storm 
howls  and  shakes  the  barracks.  The  incessant  rain  streams  down  in  close  fine 
threads  and  soaks  the  earth.  The  internees  dragging  themselves  thru  the  morass 
are  soaked  thru,  grimy.  Thru  the  rain  blown  by  the  wind  people  look  like 
ghosts  in  the  dusk,  shadows  of  eery  dead  who  in  front  of  our  eyes  climb  from 


86 


their  tombs.  Gurs  looks  like  a terrible  'Leichenfeld'  (field  of  corpses-tr) 
that  smells  of  putrefaction.  Even  if  I close  my  eyes  I can't  escape  the  spell 
because  the  gruesome  picture  of  nameless  cruelty  goes  thru  the  pores  to  the 
inner  face. 

Diarrhea  spreads  very  quickly  in  the  whole  camp  and  even  the  strong  are  beset. 
The  latter  die  relatively  sooner  than  the  emaciated.  Many  who  are  so  beset  can 
no  longer  hold  themselves  on  their  bent  knees  on  the  latrine.  These  sufferers 
have  paired  off.  One  accompanies  the  other  to  the  latrine  and  holds  him  by  the 

hands.  As  soon  as  two  such  men  return  to  the  barracks,  the  other  has  to  go 

Dozens  go  back  and  forth  incessantly,  one  supporting  the  other,  day  and  night 
no  rest.  But  there's  no  other  way  and  it's  a sensible  cooperation. 


At  this  time  we  in  Gurs  are  about  7,000  people  lost  to  the  world,  robbed  of  all 
rights  internees.  In  the  past  weeks  an  average  of  100  people  died. 

Whoever  has  seen  this  picture  of  the  bared,  emaciated  bodies  with  dry  dead  hair 
can't  forget  this  picture  all  his  life.  There  are  not  a few  whose  skin  seems  like 
parchment  leaves  of  old  books,  or  dry  and  scaly.  Many  are  those  whose  skin  is 
covered  with  crust  and  running  sores  due  to  vermin,  scratching  and  dirt. 

In  every  barracks  are  those  lying  in  the  straw  who  appear  to  sleep.  Hunger  makes 
them  dizzy  and  ill.  With  most  it's  matter  of  a few  days  until  the  sleep  forever. 
Since  some  time  one  speaks  of  a new  illness  that  so  far  has  appeared  seldom,  it's 
called  'Stacheldrahtfieber'  (Barbed  wire  Fever-tr).  This  appears  to  a fellow 
sufferer  as  follows:  It's  man  man  of  about  55.  As  usual  he  walks  in  the  yard 
along  the  barbed  wire,  up  & down.  Suddenly  he  remains  standing  and  stares  on 
a point  of  the  wire.  Slowly  he  backs  off  as  frcMti  a wild  animal.  Now  the  man 
ducks  as  tho  to  jump.  With  wide  op€*n  eyes,  with  a speed  belying  his  years,  he 

jumps  to  the  barbed  wire,  grabs  it  with  both  hands  and  shakes  it  as  tho  he  were 

throttling  a being  by  the  throat,  fighting  for  life  & death.  Finally  he  bites 
into  the  barbed  wire.  After  about  five  minutes  he  collapses,  bleeding  from 
hand  and  mouth.  When  he  regained  consciousness  he  remembered  nothing. 

From  my  letters  and  all  others  you  know  how  bad  things  are  here  at  Gurs.  That 
was  once  upon  a time.  Now  it  cannot  be  reported.  The  stones  sob  and  the  earth 

cries  to  it's  creator  of  the  more  than  animal  coarseness  with  which  the  heartless 


jailors  treat  their  internees,  starve  & exploit  them.  What  earlier  on  few  said 
is  now  the  wish  of  almost  all,  to  be  as  well  treated  as  the  pigs,  so  much  straw 


and  their  feed 

1941  conditions  in  Gurs  improved  slightly.  Thru  relatives  living  in  other 


87 


countries  many  fo  the  deportees  were  able  to  obtain  emigration  permits  to 
another  country.  A part  of  the  prisoners  in  Gurs  were  moved  to  new  camps  in  the 
vicinity,  such  as  Noe,  Rivesaltes  & Recebedou. 

August  1942  many  fo  the  survivors  in  Gurs  were  sentenced  to  death  by  menas  of 
deportation  to  Auschwitz.  Heydrich,  Eichmann  and  their  comrades  , by  relentless 
pressure  on  the  Retain  regime,  managed  to  deport  thousands  of  former  german  jews 
to  the  death-camps  Auschwitz  & Lublin-Majdanek,  via  the  transit  camp  at  Drancy. 

The  implementation  fo  the  so-called  Endloesung  was  in  progress  administratively 
albeit  unconsiously  in  France  since  1940.  Foreign  jews  had  been  interned  in  camps 
since  fall  1940.  In  both  occupied  and  un-occupied  France  all  jews  were  listed. 

These  measures  were  added  to  with  the  german  orders  for  deportation  to  the  east 
beginning  March  1942.  The  french  police  assisted  the  germans  with  the  agreement  of 
Vichy.  40,000  jews  were  to  be  brought  to  Auschwitz  from  France  for  'Arbeitseinsatz' 
(work-tr),  as  atonement  for  attacks  on  members  of  the  Wehrmacht,  as  desired  by  the 
german  military  commander  Genl.Otto  v.  Stuelpnagel. 

The  Vichy  government  assisted  with  this  program.  They  wanted  to  influence  the 
treatment  of  french  POWs  in  german  hands,  and  at  the  same  time  secure  their  existence 
by  cooperating  with  the  germans.  The  jews  from  the  un-occupied  zone  were  loaded 
into  german  freight  cars  at  the  demarcation  line,  and  from  the  central  collection 
camp  Drancy  transported  to  the  east.  On  5 August  1942  the  trains  were  made  up  of 
cattle  cars  in  the  area  of  the  southern  french  camps.  On  orders  of  the  prefect 
the  camp  authorities  ( lager lei ter-tr)  kept  the  first  destination,  Drancy,  secret. 

Rolf  Weinstock,  one  of  the  few  deportees  to  have  survived  Auschwitz,  in  his  1948 
published  notes  accurately  remembers  the  departure  from  Gurs: 

"On  5 August  I was  called  to  the  usual  camp  conference then  found  that  as 

usual  a pleasant  visit  took  place.  Two  masters  of  music  and  a (fern)  singer 
entertained  us  with  grand  things  ...Suddenly  the  door  was  tom  open.  We  looked 
up  in  surprise.  The  singer  broke  off.  With  a frightened  look  and  gestures  she 
pointed  to  the  door .... There  stood  two  men  dressed  in  new  black  uniforms.  One  of 
these  men  had  a thick  silver  cord  hanging  over  his  shoulder.  With  sharply  fixed 

eyes  they  glared  at  us A menetekel  - SS!  we  asked  ourselves»  only  with  our 

eyes-  the  lips  were  firmly  shut.  The  men  looked  at  us  boldly . -Stocky , heavy  forms. 
Like  animals  ready  to  jump  they  stood  there. .. .Over  the  shoulders  of  these  two 


1 ^11*-  y-rvMTi  anH  caiH*  Carrv  on.  Wi  Fh  miavpri  nn  vnir’F» 


the  singer  finished  her  song.  - When  is  the  hour  that  brings  our  leaving?  - Was 
it  already  here?  - The  housr  - Was  it  again:  go  further?  ...Heimatlos,  unpro- 
tected - to  somewhere? 

P.116  French  ID  card  with  jew  stamp. 


88 


The  following  day  the  camp  was  surrounded  by  the  Garde  Mobile,  things  looked 
terrible.  Those  affected  had  to  wait  for  hours  for  the  transport.  Mountains  of 
suitcases  and  bags  lay  on  the  street.  People  overnight  became  old  & gray.  The 
worst  were  those  whose  families  were  torn  asunder.  Soon  the  rumor  appeared  that 
Poland  was  the  destination.  Many  internees  suspected  that  the  official  reason 


for  their  trip  - Arbeitseinsatz  - or  reuniting  of  families,  was  not  true.  & 
the  move  into  a better  camp  hardly  made  sense. 

At  Guts,  -similar  to  other  camps,  a sort  of  suicide  epidemic  broke  out.  All 

saw  devastation.  Nobody  wanted  to  go  into  the  uncertain In  a few  hours 

the  hospital  was  overfull  of  people  who  had  tried  to  cut  their  throats  or  their 
wrists,  and  were  saved  only  at  the  last  moment  from  bleeding  to  death.  And  the 
commander  of  the  Sipo-SD  in  his  'secret  directions  for  the  evacuation  of  jews* 
of  20  July  1942  specifically  recommended  'before  a transport  leaves  a thorough 

search  of  the  jews  be  made  for  weapons,  munitions,  explosives,  poisons 

The  prefects  had  given  these  precise  orders  to  the  Lagerleiter . 

Horror  and  terror  filled  the  people,  when  they  noticed  at  the  demarcation  line,  at 
Chalons-s\ar-Saone,  that  the  transport  wagons  came  into  the  part  of  France 
occupied  by  german  troops.  "We  couldn't,  and  didn't  want  to  believe  it',  Rolf 
Weinstock  reported  after  the  war,  'that  we  are  to  back  into  the  hands  of  the 
barbarians,  back  to  Hitler  and  his  bandits.  Even  tho  Germany  was  our  Heimat, 
we  had  lost  all  hope,  never  to  step  on  german  soil  again  until  Germany  was  free 
again  & Hitler  destoyed.  These  feelings  were  shared  not  only  by  those  driven  from 
Baden,  but  all  other  refugees  from  Germany  & Austria.  Could  this  be  the  humanity 
of  Germany  to  conguer  the  world  in  the  name  of  it's  culture?  That  this  was  the 
true  face  of  Hitler  Germany  many  realized  only  on  the  trip  to  destruction  in 


the  east. 

Of  the  28  deported  to  Gurs  3 survived  = 10.7%.  8 died  at  Gurs  = 28.5%,  the  rest, 
16  = 60.7%  were  dragged  around  various  camps  and  there  found  death. 


From  Gurs  14  persons,  50%,  were  transported  & died  at  Auschwitz. 

One  person  came  into  the  neighboring  camp  Noe,  who  also  died. 

I was  unable  to  find  any  date  regarding  the  fate  of  Lehmann  Wormser, 
he  perished  in  a camp. 

P.117  The  Camp  Cemetary  at  Gurs. 


Probably 


89 


The  Extermination  Camps: 

The  most  horrible  feeling  of  humans  connecting  a name  with  a place  must 
be  Auschwitz.  So  much  has  already  been  written,  talked  and  cried  about  Auschwitz 
that  it  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  work  to  add  thereto.  But  there  16  Kirchen 
jews  lost  their  lives.  Reason  enought  to  cite  from  Kogon's  'SS  State';  The  large 
gassing  complex  at  Auschwitz,  more  precisely  at  Birkenau  that  was  part  of 
Ausachwitz,  comprised  with  5 modem  crematories,  4 below-ground  gas  bunkers 
with  a capacity  of  1,200  to  1,500  people.  The  5th  crematory  did  not  have  an 
oven,  but  rather  a gigantig  burning  pit.  The  naked  victims  were  placed  at  the  edge 

and  shot  by  the  SS  so  that  the  cadaver  - or  the  wounded!  - fell  into  the  pit 

Teh  gassing  complex  was  very  simple  and  yet  clever.  The  equipment  looked  like 
a bath  and  was  named  as  such  to  the  victims.  In  a dressing  room  was  written  in 
the  main  european  languages  that  one  was  to  lay  down  one ' s clothes  in  an  orderly 
manner  and  to  tie  the  shoes  together  so  they  wouldn't  get  lost.  After  the  bath 
hot  coffee  would  be  served. .. .depending  on  the  amount  of  gas  on  hand  death  by 
suffocation  took  4-5  minutes 

Following  this  the  prisoners  of  the  Sonder kommando  pulled  out  the  corpses,  took 

off  their  rings  and  cut  off  their  hair,  that,  collected  in  sacks  was  sent  to  factories 

for  utilisation.... 

Gassed  in  Auschwitz  were  primarily  jews  of  all  european  countries  that  came  under 
Hitler's  sway.... The  maximum  production  of  34,000  human  beings  was  achieved 
in  a continous  day  & night  run.... 

At  this  place,  that  was  more  horrible  than  human  phantasy  can  imagine,  16  people 
from  Kirchen  were  murdered: 

P.118  Acte  de  Disparition.  Missing  Person  notice  re  Margot  Braunschweig 

P.119  Last  Letter  of  Margot  Braunschweig  to  her  grandmother, written 
2 days  before  her  arrest 

P.119  - see  list  of  deportees  (with  name  index  numbers) 

Probably  all  of  these  listed  were  taken  to  Auschwitz  from  Gurs  10  Aug. 1942. 

By  3 September  9,000  jews  from  the  un-occupied  part  of  France  had  been  brought 
to  the  camp  Drancy  near  Paris,  and  from  there  shipped  east,  largely  to  Auschwitz 
where  they  found  their  deaths.  Of  the  4,464  jews  expelled  from  Baden  to  Gurs, 

2,038  were  abducted  to  Auschwitz  & Lublin-Majdanek.  99.4%  persihed. 

T^oi-oc-i - Did  Aae  Home  for  Jews  of  the  Reich.  More  cynically  this  transit 
camp  to  the  great  extermination  camps,  located  where  the  Eger  river  joins  the 
Elbe  river,  could  not  be  named.  The  former  garrison  twon  was  heavily  fortified, 
ideally  situated  and  easily  guarded  by  the  SS.  For  the  old  people,  who  expected 


an  appropriate  housing  & lifetime  care  with  their  ' Heimeinkauf svertraege' 


90 


(contracts  to  purchase  lifetime  housing  and  care- 'buying  into  a home-tr) 
paid  for  with  their  last  resources  it  was  certainly  not  advantageous.  On  a small 
space  of  ca.44  Ha  stood  huge  barracks  which  on  average  had  53,000  people  jammed 
into  them.  In  spite  of  all  propaganda  to  the  effect  that  the  SS  ran  an  old  people's 
home,  Theresienstadt  being  named  'Jewish  settlement  area',  and  the  deportation 
there  being  classified  as  a simple  move,  this  camp  from  the  beginning  was  built 
as  a transit  camp  for  the  extermination  camps.  The  lack  fo  the  most  elementary 
things,  such  as  bedsteads,  oven  (heaters),  running  water,  in  addition  to  the 

lack  of  space  — 1.6  sgm.  per  pierson  — brought  epidemic  illnesses  with  it. 
So  the  time  during  which  5 Kirchener  jews  who  were  deported  to  Theresienstadt, 
August  1942,  fell  into  the  time  of  such  mass  dying. 

The  five  (above)  were  placed  in  this  transport  at  Frankfurt:  Frida  Moses, 
who  had  been  active  in  the  Rothschild  Old  Age  Home,  together  with  her  mother 
Bertha  & sister  Elsa,  as  well  as  the  inhabitants  of  the  home,  were  taken  to 
'Ph0jfesienstadt . Babette  & Salomon  Bloch,  who  at  that  time  lived  at  Frankfurt, 
were  also  taken  on  that  transport.  Salomon  Bloch,  for  many  years  head  of  the 
Jewish  congregation  at  Kirchen,  died  at  Th.  12  Sept. 1942. 

On  23,  26,  & 29  September  1942,  almost  6,000  people  were  transported  east  in  a 
large  action,  for  extermination.  In  SS- jargon  they  were  taken  to  another  'Versor- 
g;angsghetto ' (care  ghetto-tr).  Probably  this  transport  included  Elsa  & Frida 
Moses  who  foiand  death  somewhere  in  the  east. 

At  the  turn  of  1942/43  only  about  a third  of  those  abducted  to  Theresienstadt 
in  August  were  still  alive.  The  chances  of  survival  varied  from  one  tmasport  to 
another.  The  later  a transport  got  there  the  greater  the  chance  of  survival. 

P.120  KZ  Theresienstadt  (Alley  08) 

P.120  - 125:  Listing  & details  of  eveaitual  deaths. 

The  over  200-year  old  history  of  the  Jewish  congregation  of  Kirchen  ended  in 
murder  & terror. 

Of  the  then  emigrees  and  survivors  of  the  deportation  camps  death  has  spared 
few  today.  This  book  is  primarily  for  them. 

The  following  table  once  again  shows  in  dry  numbers  the  path  of  the  Jewish 
Congregation  of  Kirchen  from  1933  to  it's  total  loss: 


1933  jews  living  in  Kirchen  64  persons 

1933-40  bom  4 

1935  moved  in  1 

Of  the  deportees  13/;  no  longer  in  Kircnen  1j 

Of  the  41  emigrants,  2 were  deported  & counted 

twice  ^ 

Total  85  Jews 


91 


Of  these  taken  to  Gurs  1940 
Direct  to  Auschwitz 

" " Theresienstadt 

" " Izbica 

" " Majdanek 

Died  before  20  Oct. 1940 
Emigrated 


28  persons 
2 

5 
2 
1 

6 

41 

- 0 - 


Traces  and  Fates: 

Many  readers  of  the  first  & second  edition  of  this  book  missed  the  lisitng 
of  individual/  their  families  and  ther  fates. 

In  1978  efforts  were  made  to  include  biographical  details  of  former  Kirchen 
jews/  but  never  got  far:  the  almost  indescribable  horror  made  this  difficult 
to  then  list  the  fates  of  these  people. 

In  this  new  edition  an  attempt  is  amde  to  give  details  of  the  lives  and  fates 
of  the  Kirchen  jews  or  those  originally  from  there. 

1)  The  family  Philipp  Moses  left  Kirchen  and  moved  to  Muellheim  before  the 
turn  of  the  century.  Both  sons  served  in  WWI  as  Officers/Warrant  officers. 

None  of  the  5 children  was  to  survive  the  'Third  Reich'. 

2.  Dr. Samuel  Moses  attended  elementary  school  at  Kirchen.  Later  he  was  a physician 
at  Loerrach  and  founded  the  children's  home  "Am  Blauenblick".  1938  he  was  able 

to  flee  with  his  family  to  USA/  and  there  aged  56  had  to  start  anew. 

3.  Maurice  Meier  never  lived  in  Kirchen.  His  stepmother/  Sophie  Braunschweig/ 
was  from  Kirchen.  He  survived  the  'portal  of  hell  Gurs'  and  is  known  as  author 
of  valuable  books  about  this  horrible  camp. 

4.  With  Emma  & Jonas  Olesheimer  as  well  as  Ida  Braeunlin  nee  Olesheimer  and 
their  son  Herbert  the  fate  of  a whole  family  is  related/  who  had  to  undergo 
all  horror  until  personal  extinction.  Herbert  Baeunlin/  half  jew/  the  only 
survivor/  relates  the  family's  life  & death  in  his  unpublished  autobiography. 

5.  Sophie  Kessler-Braunschweig  with  her  parents  and  siblings  emigrated  to  USA 
1938.  She  related  her  fmaily  history  in  a letter. 

6.  Nathan  Moses / attorney  at  Karlsnahe,  and  head  of  the  Jewsih  Agency,  died 
in  a hospital  near  Gurs.  His  wife  Betty  was  murdered  at  Auschwitz.  The  two 
daughters  Hanna  & Susanne  managed  to  flee  to  Switzerland. 

The  Family  Philipp  Moses. 

Tn  1RQQ  s2-vpar  old  cattle  dealer  Philipp  Moses  and  his  wife  Klara 

nee  Heim  (48)  and  their  five  children  Rebekka,  called  'Berthe'  (18),Lina  (16), 
Samuel  (11),  Mina  (9)  & Julius  (7)  left  Kirchen  and  after  the  death  of  the 

in-laws  moved  into  the  birth-house  of  Klara  at  Muellheim. The  Heims  were  an  old 


92 


Muellheim  family.  The  own  house  and  the  better  business  opportunity  in 

Maellheim  were  decise  for  the  not  easy  decision  to  move  with  a large  family. 

P.127  Philipp  Moses  with  son  Samuel  in  front  of  house,Hauptstr . 109, 
Muellheim.  (*) 

Philipp  & Klara  Moses  with  daughter  Mina. 

The  Moses  house  at  Muellheim. 

(*)  Tr. lived  at  Hauptstr.107;  steps  of  which  are  visible  on  left. 

These  were  years  when  the  germans  lived  peacefully  in  their  empire,  when 
Rebelcka  married  to  Strassburg,  Samuel  completed  highschool  (Einjaehriges)  & 
became  businessman,  and  Julius  after  the  Eijaehrigen  Exam  at  the  Muellheim 
Realschule  completed  business  apprenticship  after  completion  of  business  college. 
This  was  in  1912,  and  Julius,  owning  a 'Heimatschein'  (pers.ID-tr)  of  the 
Grand  Duchy  of  Baden  went  to  work  in  Switzerland. 

Two  years  later  peace  ended,  and  Samuel  S«  Julius  had  to  go  to  the  Western  Front. 
At  least  the  22-year  old  Julius  \fas  gripped  by  the  patriotic  fervor,  and  March 
1915  he  reported  to  hsi  parents  in  detail  of  the  heavy  storm  attack  and  trench 

fighting  at  the  Loretto  Heights  in  Flanders,  where  he  was  in  the  first  line 

On  3 March  6AM  positions  for  attack  were  assumed.  & AM  sharp  the  first  french 
trench  blew  up  and  at  the  same  moment  the  storm  columns  left  their  trenches.... 
we  ran  over  them  in  a heap  and  took  many  prisoners,  machine  guns,  mortars, and 

various  small  artillery.  It  went  forward  like  in  August  & September For  his 

bravery  & courage  Julius  received  the  silver  service  medal  in  addition  to  the 
Iron  Cross,  but  against  this  was  a terrible  account  of  his  company.  Thirty  dead 
and  as  many  wounded,  among  them  the  captain  and  the  lieutenant.  Julis  remained 
at  the  front  until  war's  end  and  was  demobilized  as  Feldwebel  9 April  1920  at 
Rastatt. 

P.128  Certificate  for  Iron  Cross  II 
" " Silver  Medal 

Julius  Moses 

P.129  Discharge  of  Julius  Moses  from  Army 
Rebekka  (Berthe) 

Samuel  Moses  (sitting)  as  Prisoner  of  War 
Julius  Moses  with  first  automobile 

Samuel,  who  entered  service  as  reserve  officer  became  a french  POW  in  1915  and 
ahd  to  wait  almost  4 years  to  war's  end.  Fortunately  during  this  time  he  had 
contact  with  hsi  family  by  mail.  Particularly  his  sister  Berthe  sent  him  fotos 
with  words  of  encouragement.  As  thanks  he  presented  himself  as  'Prisonnier 

« I I — ^ 4—  ««.MO « .1. A rm 

VJC  y V jr  ^ 

more  simpathetic. 

The  two  brothers  now  had  to  find  a civilian  existence  again.  But  Samuel,  who 
returned  home  to  Muellheim  - listed  in  the  Muellheim  business  directory  1931 
as  tobacco  products  wholesaler,  and  lived  in  the  parental  home  with  his 


unmarried  sister  Mina.  But  the  more  adventurous  Julius  did  not  right  off  return 
to  Muellheim.  1921  he  is  in  Berlin,  1922  as  travelling  salesman  for  the  firm 
Bloch-Braun-Mercerie  of  Zurich,  and  1928  at  Stuttgart  where  he  married  Frl. 

Johanna  Wunderlich  of  Plauen  im  Vogtland. 

The  first  boycott  of  Jewish  businesses  in  1933  hit  Julius  so  hard  that  he 
moved  to  Mulhouse  in  Alsace  and  alter  moved  to  Belfort.  He  was  unable  to  obtain 
a residence  permit  in  neither  city.  Therefor  they  had  to  return  to  Germany  1934, 
lived  in  Weil  am  Rhein  until  on  1 Nov. 1935  they  finally  emigrated  to  Dijon. 

About  the  same  time  Samuel  moved  to  Troyes  and  Mina  moved  to  her  sister  Berthe, 
whose  marriage  was  menawhile  ended,  at  Strassburg.  The  parental  in  the  Muellheim 
Hauptstr.  was  sold  under  ' Grundstuecksent j udung ' forcibly,  shortly  before  outbreak 
of  WW2. 

P.130  Berthe  with  family  fo  her  aunt  (mother's  side)  Stem  at  Nuernberg. 

In  this  manufacturing  family  sister  Lina  (Lilly)  spentmost  of 
life.  Later  she  was  treated  by  cousin  Dr. Samuel  Moses (Loerrach) 
until  her  death  at  Muellheim  1935. 

Berthe,  like  all  french  people  in  the  border  areas,  was  evacuated  to  the  interior 
of  France,  Mina  too  had  to  leave  Strassburg.  The  two  men  Samuel  S.  Julius  were, 
irregardless  of  their  legal  emigrant  status,  interned  as  subjects  of  an  enemy 
government.  Both  were  sent  to  the  internment  camp  Marmagne  in  the  Dept. Cote  d'Or, 
situated  in  a romantic  region  near  the  famous  Abbey  Fontenay,  in  the  midst  of 
large  forests  in  which  the  internees  had  to  work.  There  Julius,  both  for  his 
knowledge  of  languages  as  well  as  his  military  experience  as  'mother  of  the 
company'  was  named  'chef  de  groupe  allemand',  that  judging  by  a handwritten 
list  by  Julius  Moses  consisted  almost  entirely  of  jews. 

" Le  moral  est  bon.  Les  gens  se  sont  mieux  adaptes  a leaur  nouvelle  situation" 
he  wrote  15  Oct. 1939  in  his  report  to  the  french  administration,  one  made  the 
best  of  things. 

There  was  enough  space  and  straw  for  sleeping,  food  was  decent,  but  one  wanted 
boards,  nails,  wire  to  build  a ceiling  - the  men  froze  in  the  high-ceilinged 
poorly  heated  rooms,  one  wanted  supplies  to  install  electric  light,  the  men 
had  to  get  ready  for  work  in  the  dark,  one  needed  warm  clothes,  blankets, 
shoes  in  particular, because  shoes  suffered  working  in  the  woods,  one  wanted 
permission  for  musical  instruments  and  to  teach  languages,  because  there  were 
musicians  and  teachers  in  the  camp,  and  finally  one  wanted  first  aid  supplies 


sick  people  in  the  camp.  Samuel  too  must  have  been  ill,  one  frequently  reads  his 
name  in  the  infirmery  lists.  But  visits  became  possible.  Frau  Hanna  Moses  at  Dijon 
received  a 'Sauf -Conduit'  (pass-tr)  for  a trip  to  the  camp  "voir  son  mari 
detenu  au  camp  de  Marmagne",  with  the  note  to  take  the  shortest  route. 


94 


French  citizens  made  guarantees  for  the  internees,  industry  certified  their 
essentiality:  one  needs  men,  who  often  had  lived  in  France  for  many  years 
and  worked  there.  The  situation  would  have  been  grotesgue  if  with  ongoing  time 
teh  situation  of  the  emigrants  hadn't  become  more  precarious. 

Passover  1940:  The  jews  in  the  camp  had  contact  with  french  Jewish  congregations. 
Thru  Rabbi  Munk  of  Paris,  who  later  became  a victim  of  persecution  himself,  one 
could  obtain  for  the  strict  believers  in  the  camp  Mazzos,  kosher  meat,  wine  and 
other  kosher  foods  for  the  festival.  Once  more  one  could  celebrate  together, 
worship  - for  many  it  may  have  been  the  last  time. 

A few  weeks  later  the  germans  had  marched  into  France. ...  it  went  forward  like 
in  August  & September".  If  Julius  remembered  hsi  words  of  1915,  if  he  had  ever 
thought  that  the  welfare  of  german  patriots  of  1914/18  owuld  depend  on  the  fortune 
of  war  of  the  former  opponent?  This  fortione  of  war  did  not  occur,  the  camp  was 
the  front,  probably  there  there  were  signs  of  dissolution  as  is  known  from 
so  many  other  reports.  Julius  fled  and  suddenly  appeared  in  Dijon  with  his  wife, 
^tiereas  the  trace  of  Samuel  was  lost  for  a time.  Dijon  was  occupied.  After  10 
days  the  couple  Moses  was  noticed  to  appear  at  the  german  city  commandatura . 

Julius  didn't  wait  for  that,  he  left  his  wife  in  order  to  spare  her  a life  of 
constant  fear  & flight  from  the  persecutors,  and  because  he  felt  a better  chance 

to  survive  alone. 

He  managed  to  reach  unoccupied  France,  he  managed  to  stay  at  Macon  for  over 
two  years,  while  his  wife  as  ' Rueckwanderer ' (retumee-tr)  after  7 years  abroad 
was  taken  'heim  ins  Reich':  to  Muellheim,  Goethestr.  15.  With  this  contact  to 
her  husband  was  broken  and  only  after  the  war  she  ehard  the  following: 

As  the  germans  entered  the  free  zone  of  France  the  mesh  of  the  net  decreased. 

19  Febr.1943  Julius  was  arrested  by  the  Gestapo  in  Macon  and  first  sent  to 
camp  Guts.  26  Febr. already  he  was  sent  to  the  notorious  camp  Drancy  near  Paris, 
from  where  he  was  deported  to  Lublin-Majdanek  4 March  1943.  Already  31  August 
1942  Samuel,  and  two  days  later  Mina,  were  sent  from  Drancy  to  Auschwitz.  On 
13  April  1944  Berthe  too  had  to  take  this  road. 

P.131  Julius  Moses,  1925,  during  a parade  in  Muellheim. 

Dr.  Samuel  Moses 

An  entirely  different  fate  befell  the  5 Dec. 1882  cousin  of  the  just  described 
sibling  Moses,  the  bom  in  Kirchen  Samuel  Moses. 

The  fathers  were  brothers.  Just  a Philipp  Moses  (150.0)  moved  to  Muellheim  at  the 
''f  QO  Hid  Jakob  Moses  (151.0),  to  neighboring  Loerrach.  Of  the 

marriage  with  Maria  Guggenheim  were  three  children.  Samuel  bom  1882,  Regine 
1884  and  Rosa  1885,  who  1910  married  the  fur  dealer  Alfred  Weil,  lived  at  Kirchen 
until  deported,  and  murdered  at  Auschwitz. 

Memorialized  to  the  present  is  Jakob  Moses  on  a tablet  set  into  the  chxarchyard 
wall  at  Kirchen  listing  the  veterans  of  the  franco/prussian  war  of  1870/71, 


95 


and  the  graves  of  teh  couple  in  the  Jewish  cemetary  at  Loerrach. 

Until  sumner  1892  Samuel  Moses  attended  the  Volkschule  Kirchen  and  on  5 Sept. 

1892  entered  the  Sexta  of  the  Hebelgymnasium  at  Loerrach.  School  documents 
show  him  as  a very  good  student.  Twice  he  won  a schoolprize.  1897/8  he  was 

promoted  to  Sekunda  with  a prize,  1899  he  won  the  class  prize.  1901  he  passed 

the  Abitur  as  best  in  class. 

Already  during  schooling  he  was  determined  to  study  medicin.  He  matriculated 
in  medicin  athe  the  universities  of  Freiburg,  Munich  & Berlin.  After  graduation 
he  was  called  into  service  with  the  fighting  troops  as  Stabsarzt  (captain-tr ) . 

At  the  end  of  the  war  he  returned  to  Loerrach  decorated  with  the  EKI,  where  he 
settled  as  general  practitioner. 

The  misery,  the  need,  the  suffering  of  the  post-war  years  and  aprticularly  his 
pity  for  orphaned  children  gave  him  the  idea  to  found  a childrens  & infants 
home,  he  led  this  home  from  1918,  a house  Herrenstr.8,  but  that  soon  was  too 
small.  On  11  Nov.  1926  he  was  able  to  move  the  childrens  home  into  the  Villa 

'am  Blauenblick'  at  Untereck  8,  purchased  & provided  by  the  city  of  Loerrach. 

He  served  the  city  childrens  and  infants  home  as  doctor. 

P.132  Children's  Home  'Am  Blauenblick' 

1920  he  married  Mina  guenzburger  who  bore  him  2 sons,  Alfred  who  worked  as  atomic 
physicist  in  California, and  Bernhard  who  directed  a large  city  housing  project 
in  Brooklyn, NY. 

Since  1919  Dr.  Moses  was  actively  concerned  for  the  official  affairs  of  Loerrach 
and  joined  the  German  Democratic  Party  and  the  same  year  was  voted  by  the  local 
citizens  to  the  city  council,  to  which  he  belonged  until  it's  dissolution  1933. 

P.132  Addressbook  Loerrach  1928 

On  18  April  1933  Dr.  Moses  was  forced  to  relinguish  his  work  at  the  children's 
hone  after  the  boycott  of  Aprill.  On  this  same  day  a letter  reached  him  fron  the 
Buergermeister  Dr.  Crasser  informing  that  his  medical  supervision  of  the  children's 
home  was  to  end  April  15,1933,  and  at  the  same  time  thanked  him  for  the  town  council 
for  his  years  of  service. 

P.133  Letter  relieving  Dr.  Moses  from  service  at  'Blauenblick' 

Letter  forbidding  further  medical  practice, s. by  Buergerm.Boos 
Dr.  Samuel  Moses  & wife  in  USA 

Headline  from  Oberbadisches  Volksblatt:  Dr.  Moses  remembered 

Dy  I^ne  ÜJ.U  — UUlIB[ltfUUciJJJ.e  otSJ.vj.i-c:  xu  uv-icsxxciv-ii 

For  the  jews  a difficult,  tragic  time  began  under  the  NS  regime,  they  were  forced 
to  live  a life  shadowed  by  death  - so  too  Dr.  Moses  & family.  1938  he  decided- 
'just  in  time'  - after  much  thought,  to  emigrate  to  the  USA  with  his  family. 


96 


In  Loerrach  he  left  behind  his  life's  work  in  order  to  start  over  again  in 
America,  in  the  states  he  had  to  take  the  prescribed  examination  and  passed 
in  1939.  Now  he  again  worked  as  doctor.  Of  this  time  in  his  life  Dr. Moses 
himself  said:  "It  was  difficult,  here,  in  a foreign  country, with  a foreign 
language,  to  build  a new  practice". 

The  contact  between  the  people  of  Loerrach  and  the  Moses  family  never  broke  off , 
and  therefor  everyone  was  affected  when  son  Alfred  Moses  advised  Buergermeister 
Hugenschmidt  of  his  father's  death.  Dr.  Moses  died  21  January  1969,  aged  87,  of 
a stroke. 

The  person  of  Dr. S. Moses  is  typical  for  the  Jewish  citizenry  to  1933.  His 
work  at  Loerrach  as  helper  of  humanity,  friend  of  the  poor  and  the  troubled, 
as  a public  person,  remains  unforgotton. 

Maurice  Meier 

with  the  name  Maurice  (Moritz)  Meier  we  speak  of  the  life  S.  fate  of  a jew  not 
bom  in  Kirchen,  and  who  never  lived  there.  And  yet  his  ties  with  the  Jewish 
community  of  Kirchen  was  strong.  His  step-mother,  Sophie  Braunschweig  (95.0) 
of  Kirchen  married  1901  the  widower  Max  Meier  of  Nonnenweier.  His  son  Maurice 
was  from  his  first  marriage  with  Jeanette  Baum.  1904  s daughter  Senta  was  bom 
of  the  new  marriage.  Sophie  Meier  nee  Braunschweig  in  1938  moved  to  her  daughter 
in  USA  and  died  there  1961. 

The  life  story  of  Maurice  Meier,  b.l9  Aug. 1893  at  Nonnenweier,  who  with  his 
family  was  particularly  hard  hit  by  the  NS  persecutions,  also  belongs  to  the 
story  of  the  Jews  of  Kirchen.  In  2 of  his  books  he  tells  of  his  shattering  life. 
Dieter  Petri  in  his  examination  "Die  Tiengener  Juden"  wrote  Maurice  Meier's  life 
history.  I follow  his  biography. 

" Tiengen  was  the  name  of  the  city  in  which  we  lived.  It's  a small  city  near  the 
Swiss  border,  with  the  whispering  firs  of  the  Black  Forest  at  it's  back  and  the 
and  the  roaring  waters  of  the  Upper  Rhine  at  it's  feet,  and  in  the  distance  the 
panorama  of  the  swiss  alps.  It  was  a peaceful  and  friendly  place  in  those  days, 
daytimes  a busy  trading  center,  evenings  an  idyllic  country  place,  a place  where 
the  noise  of  trade  and  industry  competed  with  the  cries  of  roosters  & cowbells". 
With  this  mental  picture  Meier  begins  in  his  book  'Refuge'  of  life  at  Tiengen 
in  the  twentys.  Meier,  who  in  1983  celebrated  his  90th  birthday,  came  to  Tiengen 
1926  with  wife  and  son.  At  that  time  his  assessment  was  still  tme: 'Generally 
Christians  and  jews  lived  together  peacefully.  The  Jews  honored  the  Christian 
neighbors  by  decorating  their  house  for  Christmas,  Easter  & Pentecost,  and  many 
a Christian  house  was  decorated  with  greenery  on  Sukkos. 

After  the  end  of  WWI,  in  which  Meier  fought  on  the  german  side,  he  settled  in 
nearby  Griessen  as  fanner  and  cattle  dealer. 


97 


1923  he  married  Martha  Abraham  from  Rust  near  Lahr,  near  his  own  birthplace, 
Nonnenweier.  The  Griessen  village  band,  led  by  it's  conductor  & Buergermeister , 
honored  the  young  couple,  the  only  jews  in  town,  with  a serenade. 

Soon  contacts  were  formed  to  the  Jewish  congregation  at  Tiengen.  A year  later 
Frau  Meier  founded  a synagogue  choir  at  Tiengen.  When  the  family  Sauter  of 
Tiengen,  non-jewish  friends  of  the  Meiers,  gave  up  their  farm  in  order  to 
emigrate  to  the  USA,  the  Meiers  bought  the  place  and  moved  to  Tiengen.  At  that 
time  Sauter  opined  to  Meier  at  the  time  he'd  do  better  emigrating  to  the  USA. 

The  prophet  of  doom  was  to  prove  correct. 

Two  children  came  of  this  marriage,  Ernst,  still  born  at  Griessen,  and  Ilse- 
Jeanette  bom  1927  at  Tiengen. 

Meiers  worked  ambitiously.  The  small  number  of  cattle  increased  finally  to  23, 

19  of  them  milch  cows.  Meiers  lived  from  the  sale  of  milk  to  a dairy  and  to 
private  cusomers  and  cattle  trading.  2 farm  laborers  and  a day  laborer  helped. 

For  ease  of  travel  Meier  had  a car  - at  that  time  still  extra  ordinary.  In  spite 
of  hard  work  business  & work  did  not  rule  life.  Evenings  were  spent  with  house 
music.  Frau  Meier  sat  at  the  piano  and  one  of  teh  children  played  violin.  It  was 
part  of  her  temper,  that  Frau  Meier  on  sabbath  cooked  for  less  well-situated 
fellow  jews  such  as  Ida  Guggenheimer  or  Marie  Levi,  but  also  for  non-jewish 
neighbors,  and  also  invited  them  to  meals. 

On  an  early  Saturday  morning  in  spring  1933,  Meier,  who  was  jsut  milking  his  cows 
in  the  stable,  heard  unusual  movement  on  the  street.  The  Tiengen  nazis  celebrated 
the  power  take-over  with  a parade,  on  foot,  on  horse,  and  on  rattling  motorcycles. 
Meier  did  not  let  this  disrupt  the  rythm  of  his  work.  He  filled  the  milk  in  the 
cans,  loaded  the  cart,  and  together  with  his  son  went  on  the  street  direction 
dairy.  But  immediately  they  were  stopped  by  brownshirts  and  sent  back.  They 
obeyed  the  new  'rulers',  turned  around,  and  bitterly  fed  the  milk  to  the  cows 
and  calves  this  morning. 

Below  Meier's  house  the  nazis  set  up  a target  range  with  a tablet,  with  easily 
readable  wording:  Exercise  eye  and  hand  for  the  fatherland.  As  targets  they  had 
mounted  life-size  caricatxires  of  Tiengen  jews. 

A little  later  there  was  a knock  on  the  door.  It  was  SS  men.  They  wanted  Meier 
to  turn  over  all  letters  and  photos  of  Albert  Leo  Schlageter . The  latter  was  a 
wartime  comrade  of  Meier.  After  the  war  Schlageter  was  a member  of  the  illegal 
'Black  Reichswehr'.  When  Schalaeter  was  arrested  because  of  a sabotage  act 
against  the  french  in  the  Ruhr  area,  a french  military  court  sentenced  him  to 
death  by  firing  squad. 

The  Nazis  celebrated  Schlageter  as  a fighter  for  the  fatherland,  even  tho  he, 
according  to  Meier,  for  various  reasons  never  fotuid  hsi  way  back  to  civilian  life« 


98 


and  unwillingly  was  active  in  the  underground.  Meier's  contact  with  the 
former  lieutenant  were  a thorn  in  the  nazis ' eyes.  For  this  reason  they  sought 
to  erase  all  connection  with  the  jew  by  destroying  these  documents. 

Meier  gave  up  only  a few  letters  and  photos  showing  him  together  with  Schlageter, 
but  retained  a number  of  document.  The  SS  men  noticed  this  and  left  unsatisfied. 
They  wanted  to  get  the  rest  another  time. 

In  the  afternoon  of  this  miserable  day  a poor  woman  of  Tiengen  came  to  their 


house.  She  was  used  to  eating  at  Meier's  on  Saturdays.  Even  now,  as  the  jews 
of  Tiengen  were  threatened,  she  wanted  to  stand  with  the  Meiers.  But  the  brown 
guards  held  her  back  and  referred  her  to  a party  field  kitchen.  The  woman  would 
not  be  scared  off,  and  remarked  heatedly:  Today  your  field  kitchen  is  here,  but 
yesterday  and  all  the  days  before  you  never  looked  at  me  and  tomorrow  you'll 
have  forgotten  me . Get  out  of  the  way . Spoke  and  went  thru  the  door . 

Night  didn't  bring  Meiers  any  peace.  Froma  neighboring  tavern,  favored  by  the 
nazis  the  heard  in  gruesome  boisterousness  the  song:  When  jew 's  blood  drips 
off  the  knife,  it'll  go  twice  as  well. 

Teh  following  monday  the  nazis  introduced  new  customs  at  the  Volkschule.  The 
students  were  no  longer  to  greet  their  teachers  with  'Guten  Morgen,  Herr  Lehrer', 
but  with  'Heil  Hitler'  and  stretch  out  the  arm.  Ernst  Meier,  the  only  jew  in  the 
class,  had  to  remain  seated  during  this  new  ceremonial. 

End  of  May  Ernst's  class  looked  forward  to  a class  excursion.  On  the  morning  of 
the  stated  day  Ernst  took  his  rucksackand  cheerfully  went  across  the  street  to 
the  schoolyard  which  was  to  be  the  meeting  place.  An  hour  later  his  father  found 
him  there,  lonely  and  bereft,  after  a neighbor  called.  The  face  scratched,  the 
hands  bloody,  clothing  tom,  and  the  lunch  was  on  the  ground.  The  class  teacher, 
a party  member,  had  declared  before  the  assembled  class  that  jews  were  unwanted. 
When  Ernst  then  wanted  to  run  off,  the  teacher  set  the  class  after  him.  They 
were  to  beat  him  so  that  in  future  he  was  never  to  think  even  of  coming  to 

school.  The  class  jumped  on  Ernst  - the  rowdies  first.  Most  of  them  had  just  a few 

weeks  ago  been  to  the  first  Holy  Communion. 

Meier's  complaint  to  the  principal  was  useless.  He  said  he  was  powerless  versus 

a colleague  who  is  party  member . So  he  took  his  son  out  of  the  school . The 

fanatical  teacher  had  achieved  his  goal. 

From  this  time  on  Meiers  thought  of  emigration.  However  they  believed  they  could 
sell  evervthincr  in  an  orderly  manner  and  so  move  in  'good  order' . But  it  came 


otherwise. 


One  evening,  quite  late,  the  phone  rang.  The  caller  excitedly  told  of  a grouping 
of  nazis  in  front  of  a non-jew  who  criticised  Hitler.  The  caller  feared  that  the 


man  might  be  taken  into  protective  custody,  in  order  to  restablish  peace  & quiet 


99 

according  to  nazi  parlancs.  It  was  f oared  that  Meier  might  be  on  the  list  too. 

Meier  quickly  packed  a few  things  and  per  car  headed  towards  the  swiss  border. 

From  Koblenz  (tr:must  mean  Konstanz)  he  phoned  his  wife.  Shortly  thereafter 
there  was  knocking  at  the  door . ^'Jhen  she  opened  the  door  SS-men  wanted  the 
jew-Meier.  Disappointed  by  his  absence  the  demanded  the  surrender  of  all  letters 
and  photos  of  Schlageter  as  well  as  all  pai^ers  reminiscent  on  Meier's  military 
Pjfau  Meier  freely  gave  them  the  'hot'  material.  But  the  SS  were  angry. 

They  knew  somebody  must  have  warned  Meier. 

That  same  night  Meier  drove  to  Zurich/  to  the  sister  of  his  wife/  a prosperous 
Rothschild.  A few  days  later  his  wife  and  the  two  children  followed. 

Informed  of  the  flight/  the  Bezirksamt  Waldshut  pondered  if  the  refugees  were 
to  lose  their  german  citizenship.  The  town  office  Tiengen  was  to  examine  the 
business  and  political  past  of  Meier.  In  the  reply  of  the  town  office  his 
assets  were  noted  as  RM  27/000.  I mention  this  because  many  like  to  twaddle 
of  'fantastic'  Jewish  richess.  Meier  on  his  own  made  exact  accountings  of  his 
income  and  expenses  as  well  as  he  could  from  memory/  without  his  papers.  In  his 
letter  is  noticeable  how  one  or  the  other  debtor  could  'hit  the  Jewish  business 
man  over  the  ear'  in  the  new  era.  The  official  propaganda  with  the  phrase 
'Gemeinnutz  geht  vor  Eigennutz'  (The  gneral  good  precedes  the  individual-tr ) , 
encouraged  such  an  attitude. 

Meier  had  bought  a cow  from  a farmer  in  Rotzingen  for  cash  and  resold  same  to  one 
at  Ober  lauchringen  - a normal  transaction  for  a cattle  dealer.  The  peasant  at 
Ober  lauchringen  resused  to  pay  a balance  due/  and  the  seller  demanded  an  additional 
payment  after  11  months.  To  underscore  his  absurd  demand  hte  farmer  went  to  a 
party  member  at  Waldshut  who  threatened  a demonstration  in  front  of  Meier's 
house.  As  a result  of  such  a gathering  Meier  would  be  taken  into  protective 
custody  to  keep  the  'piablic  peace'.  Meier  let  himself  be  blackmailed  and  paid 


a second  time. 

Summer  1932  a small  shop  was  forcibly  sold  at  auction.  According  to  business 
rules  it  fell  to  the  highest  bidder  Moritz  Meier.  He  as  owner  permitted  the 
former  owner  to  continue  the  business  as  lessee.  The  lessee  then  Joined  the 
party  and  demanded  back  his  business  - without  compensation . 

Meier  had  no  reason  to  hide  his  business  methods  from  the  authorities/  and  he 
could  gladly  give  information  over  his  political  past.  So  he  wrote  to  the 

> m ■> t rr%  T R T n mosi“,  'P oiTW3ird  PiTOTitl i.ri0 / 

y A I-»  w - — — 

on  the  Western  Front,  for  the  entire  war,  and  earned  decorations  and  approbation  . 
To  the  curious  prosecutors  Meier  became  more  detailed:  " I've  done  many  volunteer 
acts  at  the  front.  In  one  such  undertaking  I was  buried  alive  with  6 comrades. 


100 


I was  the  only  one  dug  out  after  16  hours,  albeit  in  poor  condition". 

As  reference  for  his  remarlcs  he  listed  the  Tiengener  hotelier  Maurer  and  the 
master  baker  Sutter.  Both  confirmed  at  their  interrogation  at  the  Rathaus  good 
comradeship  with  Meier.  The  also  reported  of  Meier's  part  in  a dangerous  action 
in  the  course  of  which  three  long— barrelled  cannons  were  captured  from  between 
french  trenches. 

I mention  this  not  to  glorify  war,  but  to  show  the  disappointment  of  a former 
Jewish  fellow  citizen.  He  was  persecuted  in  a land  for  which  he  held  out 
his  bones' . Meier  has  not  gotten  over  the  bitterness.  And  I can  understand, 
or  at  least  respect,  when  he  declined  the  suggestion  of  a well-meaning  citizen 
to  name  a street  after  him.  The  history  of  Meier's  sorrows  began  in  Tiengen. 

The  following  stations  were  to  be  more  horrible. 

From  Zurich  the  way  of  the  family  Meier  led  to  the  french  village  Chenehutte 
les  Tuffeaux,  near  Saumur  & Angers,  where  they  bought  a former  church  property. 

The  beautifully  situated  farm  ' St . Radegonde ' situated  in  the  picturesque  Loure 
valley,  had  for  centuries  belonged  to  a nun-convent  until  the  state  took  it  over. 

It  suffered  greatly  under  state  management. 

Meiers  wnet  to  work  with  a will.  The  were  supported  by  Martha's  parents  who  had 
finally  liquidated  the  assets  at  Tiengen.  Martha's  brother  Gustav  with  his  family 
came  to  live  there;  they  had,  incidentally  lived  in  Tiengen  for  a while.  Then 
came  Martha's  widowed  sister  Selma  Rothschild  from  Zurich,  who  originally  took  in 
the  Meiers,  and  finally  other  members  of  Martha's  family.  18  inhabitants  were 
at  the  former  nunnery.  All  worked.  Success  was  not  long  in  following. 

In  spite  of  the  great  deal  of  work  Muarice  volunteered  for  the  french  army. 

August  1939  he  had  to  report.  But  when  he  reported  to  Angers  he  was  not  taken 
into  the  army,  but  arrested  as  an  enemy  alien  and  interned. 

The  column  of  internees  started  up  several  times  as  the  germans  broke  into  France. 
Basically  one  marched  direction  south  which  was  not  german  occupied. The  political 
prisoners  reached  Camp  Gurs  near  the  Pyrenees  in  October  1940,  a camp  built 
origianlly  for  refugees  of  the  Spanish  civil  war. 

To  Guts  in  the  same  month  came  6,000  germaui  jews  from  Baden  and  the  Palatinate, 
among  them  people  known  to  Meier  from  his  birthplace  Nonnenweier,  from  Tiengen, 
and  frc»n  Kirchen. 

After  many  difficulties  Meier  managed  to  leave  the  camp  legally.  The  liberation 
was  due  to  the  fact  that  he  wanted  to  raise  vegetables  on  a small  plot  of  land, 
and  which  he  did.  He  did  however  regularly  report  to  tne  poxxct;.  ne  hlo 

wife  she  should  try  to  flee  south.  But  the  age-weakened  parents  could  hardly  survive 

such  a difficult  and  dangerous  undertaking.  Meier  himself  could  not  dare  to 
return  to  St.Radigonde  because  the  germcins  would  certainly  have  arrested  him. 


101 


The  last  sign  of  life  Meier  received  from  his  wife  came  in  June  1942;  "Dear 
Moritz,  don't  be  sad  over  what  I have  to  write  you.  We  were  picked  up  in  the 
night  of  15/16  June.  Each  of  us  was  allowed  to  take  a small  parcel.  The  separation 
from  the  parents  was  heartbreaking. ...  14  people  were  tiiken  from  St . Radegonde . 

The  first  stop  is  Angers.  From  here  we'll  be  transported  east.  Where  to? 

Yesterday  I was  led  across  the  yard  and  saw  behind  closed  windows  in  the  second 
story  our  Ernst,  my  child.  I'm  courageous,  you  be  too  also.  I have  only  one 

wish:  'G'd  may  keep  healthy  and  that  we  see  each  other  again ' . 

Maurice  never  saw  his  wife  and  children  again.  When  he  received  the  above  letter 
he  had  no  idea  that  a deportation  to  the  east  by  the  germans,  falsely  called  a 
'resettlement',  was  to  lead  to  extermination.  If  he  hadn't  been  able  to  leave 
Camp  Guts  just  in  time  the  same  fate  would  have  befallen  him.  At  german  insistance 
the  french  turned  over  all  interned  jews  for  abduction  to  the  east. 

P.138  Card  to  M. Meier  at  Gurs,  written  by  his  wife  then  still  free 
But  even  outside  of  the  camp  Meier  could  no  longer  feel  safe  in  southern  France. 

He  sought  a means  to  flee  to  Switzerland,  that  he  found  with  much  danger.  From  the 
safe  Switzerland  he  sought  by  mail  to  trace  his  family.  Inguieries  to  KZ,  i.e. 
Auschwitz,  were  returned  unanswered.  More  and  more  he  realized  that  his  family 
ended  in  the  Nazi  Hells.  His  own  salvation  did  not  cheer  him.  To  this  day  he  is 
oppressed  by  the  guilt  of  'surviving'. 

1946  a book  is  pxablished  in  Switzerland  about  Gurs  titled  'Letters  to  my  Son'. 

The  dedication  read:  " My  wife,  my  dear  couragous  comrade,  Martha,  you,  the 
deported,  enslaved  mother  robbed  of  her  children".  In  the  same  year  Meier  left 
Switzerland  and  emigrated  to  the  USA.  There  1962  a second  book  appeared  by  him: 
"Refuge  (Flucht)".  He  dedicated  it  to  his  second  wife  Gretel  who  with  his  deafness 
is  his  'mouth  and  ear'  and  made  a normal  life  possible  for  him. 

May  Moritz  Meiers  books  be  piiblished  in  Germany  that  they  take  in  our  hearts 
against  the  insnesible  racial  hatred. 

Oiesheimer  Family:  Enma,  Ida,  Jonas  Olesheimer  & Herbert  Baeunlin 
P.  139  Olesheimer  Family  in  fron  of  their  house  at  Kirchen 
Since  most  inhabitants  of  Kirchen  have  good  relations  with  their  jewish 
neighbors  for  decades,  strangers  were  tactically  brought  into  the  village. 

The  customs  guard  L.  was  one  of  those  antisemites  brought  in  by  the  party. 

Soon  others  were  found  that  began  to  harr ass  jews.  Julius  Bloch  a veteran 
of  WWI  who  was  wounded,  was  the  first  death  after  the  Nuremberg  laws,  buried 
in  the  Kirchen  jewish  cemetary.  A highly  regarded  man,  L.  & dentist  D.  stood 
on  the  cemetary  wall  and  photographed  the  funeral  party.  Later  the  people  were 
piablicised  in  the  Suermer.  This  was  1937. 


102 


TherGaftsr  nobody  went  to  a Jewish  funeral.  Many  pinpricks  in  daily  life  made 
it  difficult  for  teh  jews  to  follow  their  normal  daily  life. 

In  his  autobiographical  notes,  the  son  of  Ida  Braeunlin  nee  Olesheimer,  today 
living  at  Haltingen,  he  desribes  a part  of  the  tragic  family  history , which 
applies  at  large  to  all  Kirchener  jews. 

He  wrote:  " The  neighbors  at  first  cam  only  at  night,  and  then  stayed  away 
altogether.  Everybody  was  frightened  - the  spy-system  worked.  The  few  exceptions 
hardly  count,  and  yet  they  were  a great  help  in  this  time.  Estlenbaum  Jobbi 
(Jakob)  was  an  old  man  and  very  close  to  us.  He  always  helped  us,  in  wartime 

too  with  food.  A small  hero. they  were  so  few Most  of  teh  Jewish  citizen  were 

able  to  emigrate.  It  wasn't  easy  in  the  foreign  countries The  jews  who 

couldn ' t emigrate , perhaps  thru  poverty they  didn ' t escape  the  henchmen 

and  found  their  death  far  away.  In  these  years  the  jews  were  closer  together  again. 
The  synagogue  was  now  a meeting  place.  Differences  in  prosperity  fell.  Uncle 
Joni  ( Jonas  Olesheimer)  was  one  of  these  oppressed.  In  1933  & 1934  many  believed 
that  nothing  would  happen  to  us.  Either  because  they  were  war  veterans  or  were 
too  poor.  The  nazis  only  want  the  rich  jews.  This  belief  was  supported  by  the 
nazis. . . .Today  everyone  knows  it  was  an  illusion. . . .All  wnet  thru  the  mill  of 
extermination " 

This  also  happened  to  teh  Olesheimer  family.  The  ancestors  were  settled  in 

since  1825.  Meier  Olesheimer, b.  1831 , was  married  twice.  Of  his  first 
marriage  with  REbekkah  nee  Weiler  there  were  three  children.  Of  the  second  union 
with  the  26-year  younger  Enina  nee  Weil  came  the  siblings  Ida  & Jonas. 

Meier  Olesheimer  died  1915.  Son  Jonas,  After  completing  Volkschule  he  absolved 
a business  apprenticeship  at  Basel,  was  drafted  into  the  army  1914  as  war  broke 
out  and  served  as  radio- telegrapher  in  various  parts  of  the  front.  He  was  buried 
alive  at  the  front  and  returned  disabled  at  war's  end.  He  worked  in  the  cement 
works  at  Kleinkems  in  the  stone  quarry  until  his  wartime  disability  forced 
him  to  seek  other  employment. 

P.140  Jonas  Olesheimer 

Jonas  Olesheimer  with  sister  Ida 

Olesheimer  house  in  WWI  - l.-r.:  unknown  soldier , Bertha  Buergin, 

Jonas  Olesheimer,  Ida  Olesheimer,  unknwon  soldier 

joni,  as  he  was  called  in  the  family  had  nerve  problems  from  the  war.  A related 


QOC'COr  lUS  ao  iuuwi  uaoiic  C4U9 


particularly  with  his  nephew  Herbert  Braeunlin.  With  him  he  ejqjlored  near  and 
far  in  the  vicinity,  flora  & fauna. 


103 


Herbert  Baeunlin  writes  about  him  in  his  notes:  Joni  was  for  me  father,  uncle, 
simply  everything.  He  gave  me  a great  deal.  My  pleasure  in  nature... he  taught 
me  to  play  football,  bought  me  football  shoes,  a bicycle:  Tours,  as  late  as 
1936  from  the  Blauen  over  the  Belchen  to  Feldberg  were  taken.  (The  3 mts. 
nmaed  are  the  prominent  mts. of  the  so. Black  Forest-tr).  Jonas  Olesheimer  was 
a peaceful  person,  always  ready  to  compromise.  When  after  1933  life  with  other 
people  changed  so  much,  neighbors  boys  attached  a nazi  flag  on  a tree  next 
to  his  house.  When  the  father  of  one  of  these  sprouts  wanted  to  take  him 
over  his  knee,  Joni  happened  by  and  appeased:  'Let  him  go,  neighbor,  it's 
only  boy's  doings'. 

At  this  time  Ida  Olesheimer  had  been  married  over  12  years  to  a mason,  Robert 
Braeunlin,  Of  this  marriage  of  'a  shy  boy  and  a modest  Jewish  girl'  a son  was 
bom  1923,  Herbert. 

Herbert  Braeunlin  characterises  this  connection:  My  father  was  an  excellent 
mason  and  an  equally  poor  businessman.  The  marriage  didn't  prosper ... After 
17  years  my  mother  obtained  a divorce  and  even  tho  she  was  a Jewess  she  won 
1938;  my  father  was  named  guilty. ..  1941  he  tried  to  take  from  my  mother  the  name 
Braeunlin.  In  a letter  a lawyer  wrote : Because  of  the  war  caused  by  world  Jewry 
the  accused  wants  to  use  the  name  Braeunlin  as  camouflage  so  as  not  to  have  to 
carry  a Jewish  name.  Ida's  reply  to  the  court:  I am  by  far  more  proud  of  my 
Jewish  maiden  name  than  of  the  name  Braeunlin. 

The  court  threw  out  the  matter.  Ida  could  continue  to  use  the  name  Braeunlin. 

So  Robert  B.  in  a letter  to  Ida  B. : I'll  make  sure  you'll  go  where  you  belong. 

P.141  Ida  Braeunlin  & son  Herbert 

Herbert  Braeunlin  with  Grandmother 

The  son  Herbert  B.  grew  up  in  the  parental  home  first  at  Halt  ingen,  attended 
the  Volkschule,  and  then  transferred  to  the  humanistic  Hebelgymnasium  at 
Loerrach.  The  mother  had  him  baptised  evangelical  (Lutheran-tr ) a few  days 
after  his  birth,  herbert  B. : I owe  my  life  to  Jesus  Christ. 

" In  school  at  the  Hebelgymnasium  there  were  still  2 Jews  in  my  class.  Bernhard 
Moses,  son  of  the  well-known  Dr. Moses,  also  Richard  Rosenberger,  son  of  a successful 
merchant.  We  were  respected  by  our  classamtes  and  had  no  problems.  Perhaps 
because  I was  the  strongest  in  the  class  and  a good  athlete.  And  the  other  two 
were  good  students.  Much  negative  is  to  be  reported  of  the  teachers.  Don't  think 

• • t ^ f ^ A-v  r « «'U  ^ ^ 4-  *-qVi  «-"lacc  an  man 

XU  Ö CCIO  uw  (»&  WW  j t*  W*.  * JW»  '•  - — — - — — — 


teaches . 


At  14  Herbert  left  the  Gymnasium  'due  to  inadequate  work'.  "The  national  socialism, 
the  broken  marriage,  chronic  lack  fo  money  - school  tuition  was  RM  200.-  -were 
the  real  reasons.  It  wasn't  simple  in  my  home  village  either.  Even  tho  an 


104 


GxcGllsnt  football  playor  who  at  14  alroady  playGd  in  thG  'A  Jugond  his 
dGSCGnt  madG  him  inGligiblG.  Whon  it  camG  to  a friondly  gamG  bGtwGGn  his  toam 


and  thG  HJ-GlGVGn,  a Hitlar  Youth  iGador  said: 'I  won't  play  whorG  hG  doGs'. 

P.142  HGrbGrt  BraGunlin  with  friGnds  1936/7, 1-r:  Christian  BuGrgin, 
Fritz  Knobloch,  HGrbGrt  B. 


Emma  OlGShGimGr ,b. 1857  d.  Gurs  1940  (166.0) 

HGrbGrt  BraGunlin:  During  thsi  timG  I got  to  know  thG  diffGrGncG  bGtwGGn 
'half  aryan'  & 'half  Jgw' . It  dGpGnds  on  location.  ThG  strangGrs  say 'half  Jgw' 
and  thG  locals  'half  aryan'.  Mu  father's  sisters  always  said;  the  mother  is  Jewess. 
No  ties  of  family  relationships. 

Herbert  thru  connection  with  David  Lieberles,  also  from  Kirchen,  Herbert  obtained 
an  apprenticeship  at  Basel  and  got  the  official  permission  therefor.  1938  - 1942 
he  apprenticed  by  the  firm  Textilmaschinen  AG. 

Widow  Olesheimer  nee  Weil  and  her  10-year  yovinger  sister  Lina,  who  used  to  work 
as  a housekeeper  in  Basel,  cared  for  the  household  in  the  Olesheimer  house,  that 
was  situated  right  next  to  the  church  property. 

Herbert  B.  describes  the  pinpricks  to  which  jews  were  exposed  in  the  first  years 
of  the  nazi  rule,  especially  the  housewives ;...' At  first  my  Grandmother  & Lina  no 
longer  wanted  to  go  to  Reiffs  store  to  shop.  Reiffs  were  always  good  to  us, but 
other  customers  no  longer  wanted  to  meet  jews.... in  the  grocery  of  Julius  Bloch 
the  non-jewish  customers  stayed  away.... the  jews  regularly  went  to  barber  H.  for 
haircuts  & shaves.  But  he  was  the  first  to  have  a sign  on  his  door;  Jews  will 
not  be  served  here." 

When  on  sabbath  Sophie,  Margot  & Hanneli  (Braunschweig) , 12  & 16  years  old,  very 
pretty  girls,  walked  thru  the  village,  I sometime  heard:  " How  dare  they  to  walk 
three  abreast  thru  the  village".  Friendships  among  children  were  also  restrained. 
Hilde  Egle  nee  Buergin  on  the  evening  of  the  Kristallnacht  was  visiting  with  the 
Braunschweig  girls.  She  was  held  by  the  nazis  and  her  father  had  dififculty 
getting  her  loose  from  them. 

Living  conditions  constatly  worsened.  Jonas  Olesheimer,  like  the  other  8 men 
in  Kirchen,  was  arrested  following  the  Kristallnacht,  transported  to  KZ  Dachau 
S.  held  there  until  Dec.  1938.  He  never  spoke  of  this  time.  With  the  start  of  war 
1939  a new  phase  began.  With  the  first  evacuation  of  the  villages  near  the 


borders  all  jews  had  to  disappear. 

" We  were  among  the  fleeing;  it  was  evening,  the  column  of  people  and  animals 


W^yuiib  LXJ-&»U  weiiu  UU  £\UdlAUXlI^CJhl*  uc  JU 


the  82-year  old  grandmother  and  a few  belongings.  Along  the  way  Lina  find  a seat 
on  the  wagon  ofBerta  Krebs.  To  this  day  I still  hear: These  are  jews!  Today  a 


tvo-headed  calf  attracts  as  much  attention.  With  several  other  boys  I was  sent  to 


Hauingen. 


105 


Joni,  grandmother  & Lina  were  sent  to  a pension  at  Konstanz.  I never  saw  them 
again. " 

P.143  Jonas  Olesheimer  (extr. right)  with  his  fellow  workers 
At  Konstanz,  with  another  10  fellow  sufferers  from  Kirchen,  they  found  a poor 
shelter  in  a pension  near  the  destroyed  synagogue. 

Joni  worked  for  a rail  construction  firm  and  did  very  heavy  labor. 

On  22  October  1940  in  a 'night  & fog'  action  all  jews  living  in  Baden  (the 
Palatinate  & Lorraine)  were  deported,  the  so-called  Robert  Wagner  Aktion. 

The  destination  was  Gurs,  a huge  camp  at  the  edge  of  the  Pyrenees. 

Already  Dec. 5, 1940  Enma  Olesheimer  died  at  Gurs.  Denise  Braunschweig,  married 
Leder,  the  cousin  living  in  Basel,  advised  Ida  Olesheimer  of  her  mother's  death. 

" Everything  one  wanted  to  give  her  she  declined  with  the  comment  she  only  wanys  to 
die.  She  took  no  food  so  as  to  find  the  peace  she  sought". 

Her  sister  Lina  came  into  a subsidiary  camp,  Noe.  She  died  there  two  years  after 
her  sister,  27  March  1943. 

On  4 August  1942  Jonas  Olesheimer  wrote  to  his  cousin  Denise  Leder  at  Basel, 

six  days  before  his  deportation  to  Auschwitz. 

P . 144  Jonas  Olesheimer ' s letter : ( approx . tr . ) 

Dear  Denise,  I received  the  swiss  parcel  4 days  ago,  as  well  as  2 days  later  the 
announced  money  so  that  now  all  is  in  order. Many  thanks  for  all  your  trouble  and 
sacrifice  and  hope  that  G'd  will  reward  you.  I can  only  do  so  with  words.  Here 
it  means  patience  and  more  patience  and  then  see  f urther . Don ' t you  hear  anything 
fron  H.?  I can't  understand  Ida  but  that's  the  way  she  is  and  can't  change. 

Lamib  (?)  also  always  waits  for  mail  from  you  but  in  vain.  Sami  (?)  I see  daily 
on  my  way  to  work.  Otherwise  one  day  passes  like  another,  not  much  doing.  Froth 
Fritz  E.  I received  a letter  14  days  ago,  otherwise  I have  no  correspondence. 

He  wrote  that  he'll  go  on  vacation.  So  everything's  the  same  as  in  peacetime. 

I want  to  close  for  now,  please  greet  Boldi,  Sigi  and  the  2 sons  & remain 
your  grateful  Jonas. 

Of  Lina  I've  had  no  news  even  tho  I wrote  to  her  myself. 

Jonas  Olesheimer  was  probably  murdered  in  Auschwitz  August  1942.  Ida  Braeunlin 
was  drafted  for  labor.  May  1941  she  wrote  of  her  life  to  Denise  Leder  at  Basel, 
'....but  if  mama  knew  what  all  has  happened  to  me  since  she  closed  her  eyes  for 

0ver,  she'd  stand  up  in  her  grave I have  to  stop " She  continues  in 

the  same  letter:  Dear  Denise,  When  you  come  here  sometimes  after  the  war  you'll 
ask  where  my  cradle  stood?  Often  I cry,  of  many  houses  nothing  is  visible'. 

1942  the  Oberrat  der  Israeliten  send  Ida  B.  the  Judenstern.  At  the  same  time  she 
was  told  to  be  ready  to  leave  for  work  in  the  east.  Two  comments  were  made  by  his 
mother,  reports  Herbert;  "I'll  wear  the  Judenstern  only  under  compulsion  and  not 
in  Kirchen".  And:  " I don't  mind  working,  I'm  used  to  it". 

Spring  1942  Ida  B.  was  taken  to  jail  in  Loerrach  by  the  Gestapo.  Herbert  deter- 
mined that  his  mother  had  left  her  raincoat  with  the  Judenstern  at  home.  With 
hois  bicycle  he  rode  to  the  'Villa  Aichele  (Gestapo  Office  Loerrach)  to  bring 


106 


her  her  coat.  By  chance  the  first  person  he  passed  was  Gestapo  man  B.  who 
had  arrested  his  mother.  He  asked  him  "what's  up?"  Herbert  B.  gave  him  the 
raincoat  and  B.  asked  him  if  he  wanted  to  come  into  the  jail  and  deliver  the 
coat  himself.  B.  writes:  Quickly  I thought  - but  the  word  jail  scared  me.  I 
declined  the  visit  politely.  If  ever  I would  have  gotten  out  of  that  jail? 

Many  disappeared  in  this  manner.  As  last  sign  of  life  from  my  mothe  I got  a 
card  probably  thrown  out  of  a train:  "Dear  Boy,  I'm  on  the  way  east. Stay  strong". 

Ida  B.  went  on  her  way  to  extermination  at  Izbica  where  she  was  murdered. 

After  the  arrest  of  Ida  B.  the  grand  parental  house  in  Kirchen,  in  which 
Herbert  lived,  was  confiscated.  At  the  time  he  lay  in  hospital  at  Loerrach  with 
pneumonia.  An  official  of  the  Finazamt  (treasury  Dept.-tr)  advised  him  that  the 
house  and  contents  were  confiscated.  Upon  the  request  to  at  least  him  some  of 
his  necessities  he  was  asked  how  he  could  prove  that  it  was  his  bed? 

^^ter  some  interventions  he  was  allowed  to  stay  in  one  room.  Many  Kirchener 
bought  furniture  whenthe  contents  of  the  house  was  sold.  Gratefully,  Herbert 
received  some  of  it  back  later . 

By  now  his  apprenticeship  at  Basel  was  completed.  As  the  war  proceeded  differences 
of  opinions  grew.  B.:"  I stood  between  the  fronts.  The  anit-nazis  were  in  the 
plurality,  but  I didn't  dare  express  myself.  The  5th  column  (swiss  nazis)  was 
everywhere.  Over  three  years  I walked  form  the  Baden  Station  to  the  Gueterstr. 
and  back,  I had  no  money  for  the  tram". 

P.145  Herbert  Braeunlin 

Entrance  to  Villa  Aichele,  from  1939  to  war's  end  Gestapo  office. 

Frcxn  the  locked  cellar  windows  one  could  hear  the  cries  of  the  tort\ired. 

With  his  mother's  arrest  Herbert  lost  his  Grenzkarte  (border  crossing  permit-tr). 

On  2 May  1942  he  began  work  in  defense  plant  at  Muellheim  where  he  soon  became 
foreman.  There  in  Muellheim  he  met  his  future  wife  Theresa  Margarethe  Heitz, 
who  after  he  confessed  to  being  a half-jew,  replied: What 's  that  to  me? 

They  were  not  permitted  to  marry,  and  their  child  was  bom  at  the  hospital  at 
Salzburg,  it  was  bom  19  July  1944,  and  died  two  days  later,  murdered  by  a 
nazi  doctor  (female)  as  the  family  knows  positively. 


Isaak,  Frieda,  Sophie,  Julius  and  David  Braunschweig 

My  father  Issak  Braunschweig  b.30  May  1890  was  the  son  of  Israel  Braunshcweig. 
April  1919  my  father  became  engaged  to  Frieda  Levi,  of  Siilzburg,  Gasthof  wilden 
Mann.  At  the  same  time  my  father's  brother  Max  became  engaged  to  my  mother's 
sister  Regina.  The  marriages  were  held  in  the  synagogue  at  Sulzburg.  Two  sisters 
married  two  brothers.  After  the  wedding  aunt  Regina  moved  to  Kirchen  where 
my  uncle  Max  had  the  butchershop  in  his  parents  large  house. 


107 

My  father  also  worked  in  the  business  and  came  to  Sulzburg  only  weekends  where 
my  mother  continued  to  run  the  'Gasthaus  "Zum  Bilden  Mann"'.  1928  my  father 
had  his  inherited  house  rebuilt,  sold  the  Gasthaus  and  moved  to  Kirchen  with 

the  family. 

P.146  The  Jewish  Wirtschaft  (tavern)  in  Sylzburg 

( Piet . inscr . : A pleasant  get-together  war  year  1914) 

My  two  younger  brothers  and  I had  a pretty  nice  youth  at  Kirchen,  that  was  until 
1933.  After  election  things  changed  guickly.  In  the  school  it  was  pretty  nice 
with  my  teachers  Miss  Kuester  & Mr.Gerwig.  My  brother  Julius  had  an  SS  teacher 
who  wore  his  uniform  to  school.  After  I left  school  1933  I went  to  the  Frauen- 
arbeitsschule (WOTien's  Work  School-tr)  Basel,  my  brother  to  the  Handwerkschule 
(vocational  school-tr)  Basel.  In  the  years  1933  until  our  emigration,  as  a young 
girl  I couldn't  enter  a cinema,  go  to  a dance  or  a similar  event  without  being 
treated  as  a 'jew'.  Even  in  the  train  from  Kirchen  to  Basel  I was  generally 
annoyed.  Stones  were  thrown  at  our  windows.  Christmas  eve  1937  a nazi  dressed  as 
Santa  Claus  came  to  our  door.  My  brother  Juliiis  opened  the  door  and  was  brutally 
beaten  and  mishandled.  This  event  so  affected  my  brother  that  after  our  immigration 
in  America  1938  he  had  to  be  placed  in  a home.  In  such  an  institution  he  lives 
to  this  day.  For  my  parents  this  was  awful.  Since  Julius  could  not  become  a citizen 
he  was  to  be  deported  back  to  Germany.  But  after  my  younger  brother  came  into 
the  american  army  Julius  was  left  in  the  institution  here.  After  our  arrival 
here  I had  to  work  as  maid  in  a household  since  I knew  no  english.  My  monthly 
salary  was  $ 40.00.  Of  this  I had  to  give  $ 38.00  to  my  parents  to  live  on  since 
we  were  allowed  to  emigrate  with  only  $ 10.00. 

I could  continue  writing,  but  until  I finished  I'd  have  written  this  book. 

Nathan  Moses,  Betty  Moses  nee  Drei fuss,  Hanna  & Susanne  MDses 

Nathan  Moses  (161.0),  cousin  of  already  named  Dr.  Samuel  Moses  (Loerrach)  and 

Julius  and  Samuel  Moses  (muellheim,  was  born  at  Kirchen  7 June  1886.  After 

studying  law  he  settled  at  Karlsruhe  and  1927  married  Betty  nee  Dreifuss  from 

Altdorf.  They  had  two  daughters,  Hanna-b.l927  & Susanne  - b.l929. 

P.  147  Nathan  Moses,  Attorney  at  Karlsruhe 
Betty  Moses  nee  Dreifuss 

In  addition  to  his  legal  practice  Nathan  Moses  from  his  office  represented 
♦-ho  '.ToviRh  Agency"  for  Baden,  and  founded  the  construction  fund  'Keren  Hajessod', 
also  known  as  ' Jued.Palaestinawerk  e.V.  He  also  operated  a travel  agency  for 
jews  wishing  to  emigrate.  In  a letter  to  Leopold  Braunschweig  he  describes  him- 


self as  Zinist  since  1904. 


108 


The  jews  of  Karlsruhe  were  also  slow  to  decide  to  emigrate.  Compared  to  many 
who  had  tentatively  moved  to  western  europe,  those  wishing  to  go  to  Palestine 
had  a firm  goal.  These  were  primarily  Zionists  whose  ideal  was  to  rebuild  'Erez 
Israel ' . Materially  and  organisationally  they  were  supported  in  Baden  by  the 


aljf0ady  mentioned  Jewish  Agency  run  by  Nathan  Moses ^ Ritterstr.8^  later  Karlstr.48. 
The  theme  emigration  was  a huge  problem  fo  the  jews,  n ot  only  finacial.  A big 
worry  was  if  one  could  build  an  existance  in  a foreign  land. 

Jewish  training  schools  for  agricultural  and  vocational  occupations  naturally 
were  in  short  supply  and  couldn ' t be  set  up  from  one  day  to  another . As  to 


vocational  training  he  tried  another  tack.  In  a memo  of  18  Dec. 1933  to  the  Reichs- 


stadthalterei  Baden  he  wrote  he  mentioned  the  refusal  of  german  firms  refusing 
to  take  on  jewish  apprentices.  He  therefor  requested  assistance  in  order  to  get 
training  for  the  young  jews  in  such  crafts  as  are  in  demand  in  Palestine  such 
as  building  trades,  metal  work  & certain  foodstuff  processing,  since  he  as 
j-0pj-0sentative  of  the  Zionists  would  guarantee  they  would  emigrate  to  Palestine. 

In  order  to  forestall  denial  he  further  wrote:  Nobody  will  believe  a young  mason 
journeyman,  a jew,  would  try  to  establish  himself  in  Germany  after  completing  his 
training.  The  finance  and  economics  ministry  answering  simply  referred  to  a 
circular  of  6 Dec.  1933  issued  by  the  vocational  chamber  stating  that  at  the  moment 


to  forbid  jewish  apprentices  will  not  be  issued  shortly,  but  rather  a direct 
reconmendation  meant  not  to  employ  jewish  apprentices  rather  then  to  do  so. 

Nathan  Moses  worked  hard  at  the  onigration  of  his  fellow  jews.  So  he  referred 
to  the  prompt  & timely  issuance  of  passports  to  the  Karlsruhe  Police  chief,  in 
the  matter  of  Bernhard  Meyer,  owner  of  a printing  plant.  He  already  had  a british 
work  certificate  that  set  the  maximum  age  for  immigration  at  45.  Moses  wrote  that 
this  certificate  can  only  be  used  if  the  immigration  occurs  before  10  August, 

45.  bithday  of  Meyer,  he  is  landed,  since  according  to  the  immigration  laws 
no  man  can  receive  a work  certificate  after  45.  Meyer  received  his  passport  in 
time  and  on  3 August  1938  could  leave  with  the  last  possible  ship,  the  ' Palestine' 
from  Trieste. 


>j^0  british  mandate  administration  made  work  certificates  more  and  more  difficult 
to  obtain.  This  led  to  a list  which  Nathan  Moses  used.  Since  married  couples 
needed  only  a single  certificate  and  so  another  person  came  into  possession 
of  a life-saving  certificate,  a number  of  prospective  emigrants  contracted 
cHam  marri artf>c!  -hhat  after  arrival  in  Palestine  could  be  divorced.  At  such  marriages 
he  appeared  as  one  of  teh  witnesses.  Proven  is  the  marriage  of  18  August  1939 
when  at  the  Karlsruhe  registry  Julius  Herz  married  the  20  years  younger  bride 

Sonja  Kotkowski.  The  'saved'  certificate  helped  somebody  else. 

On  20  Oct. 1940,  the  day  Baden  jews  were  deported  to  Gurs,  Nathan  Moses  was  in 


109 


bed  with  a walking  cast.  The  then  13-year  old  Hanna  Moses  and  her  11^  year 
old  sister  still  had  vacation  because  of  Sukkoth.  She  reports;  On  22  Oct. 
about  8 AM  the  bell  at  our  door,  Karlstr.48,  rang,  and  as  my  mother  opened 
the  door  two  men  in  civilian  clothes  identified  themselves  as  Gestapo  and  asked 
if  all  family  members  were  at  home.  ^'Jhen  mother  said  so  they  advised  that  as  of 
now  nobody  may  leave  the  house,  we're  to  get  ready  for  travel,  they'd  be  back 
in  an  hour .... Mother  awakened  us  girls. .. .told  us  to  dress  warmly  and  started 
to  pack.  As  she  hurriedly  packed,  Frau  Betty  Moses  (1889  - 1940)  quickly  sent 
her  daughter  Hanna  to  the  baker  with  a earthen  pot  full  of  pickles.  She  was 
afraid  the  pickles  would  spoil  until  they  returned.  The  daughter,  who  was  given 
some  fresh  bread  for  the  trip  by  the  baker  & house-owner  on  the  groundfloor , 
as  she  remembers:  That  there  could  be  no  return  was  beyond  our  imagination. 

Punctually  at  nine  AM  the  Gestapo  returned  in  company  of  a uniformed  policeman 
who  against  all  expectation  was  very  helpful  to  mother  with  her  packing.  One 
of  the  Gestapo  men  sent  Hanna  to  the  dairy  to  buy  milk  and  butter  for  the  remaining 
ration  cards  for  the  month.  She  was  only  to  say;  a Gestapo  man  has  ordered  it. 
According  to  their  orders  the  Gestapo  men  had  to  make  sure  the  Jewish  families 
assigned  them  had  food  for  several  days.  "My  father  at  the  time  had  an  infected 
foot  and  - altho  with  a walkigncast  - was  still  abed.  Since  he  had  much  contact 
with  authorities  as  attorney,  Baden  rep. of  the  Palestine  organization,  and  owner 
of  a travel  bureau  (because  of  then  laws  in  mother's  name)  for  emigrants  or  those 
to  be  freed  from  german  KZs  (Dachau  above  all)  he  was  known  to  the  Gestapo  people 
who  appeared,  and  they  behaved  themselves  quite  courteously.  They  advised  my 
parents ....  that  father  could  remain  here  because  of  his  disability,  but  of  course 
not  in  our  apartment,  in  the  city  hospital,  but  that  his  family  would  ahve  to  leave 
in  any  case,  and  for  this  reason  my  father  decided  to  cane  along". 

Since  Nathan  Moses  could  walk  on  crutches  only  with  difficulty  a 'party-car' 

was  ordered  that  took  him  and  all  our  baggage  to  the  station.  Frau  Moses  and 

her  daughters,  like  the  majority  of  the  arrested  jews,  were  brought  to  the  station 

by  streetcar  accompanied  by  a policanan.  Hanna  remembers:  " From  the  platform  on  which 

we  stood  we  saw  a truck  with  aged  inhabitants  of  the  Jewish  Old  Age  Home  go  by 

to  the  loading  bridge,  toward  railway  station". 

On  arrival  at  Gurs  Nathan  Moses  was  hospitalized  immediately. 

Frau  Betty  Moses,  to  escape  the  boredom  of  the  camp,  volunteered  to  oversee  the 

- . . . 1.  « .jj  Viqt-  onv^lri  nrf  €r\ir  Firci- 

WX  C/1  jr  CA  • V/WA.  AAtüAAAAAW»  ^ w «r  — — — 


time. 


P.  149  Letter  of  Nathan  Moses,  Gurs,  to  Leopold  Braunschweig,  Basel 
(too  small  to  see  for  translation-tr) 


no 


Because  of  Hanna  Moses  the  'Gurs  song'  has  survived,  written  by  a young  unknown 

conductor  who  organized  a choir  in  the  camp.  (Tr.for  gist  only) 

All  once  made  plans 
and  they  kept  to  them 
but  plans  became  tears 
because  life  can't  be  forced 

In  Basses  Pyrenees  is  a place  where  only  barracks  stand. 

Hardly  a tree  stands  there. 

Here  must  enter  he  who  has  no  right  to  be  on  earth. 

And  who  entered  the  place  is  separated  from  the  world  by  barbed  wire. 
In  Basses-Pyrenees  France  guards 

over  each  of  the  most  innocents  who ' ve  done  nothing . 

And  if  you  are  a stranger  then  it'll  appear  to  you  too 
The  damned  are  only  in  Camp  de  Gurs. 

February  1941  the  two  children  were  taken  to  a french  orphanage  at  Aspet  near 
St.  Gaudens  thru  the  intercession  of  teh  child  welfare  group  OSE  together  with 
f ranch  quakers.  Betty  was  very  concenred  to  have  her  children  cared  for,  since 
she  knew  they'd  be  fed  better,  even  tho  it  meant  separation.  In  the  'Maison  des 
Pupilles  de  la  Nation'  as  many  french  children  were  cared  for  as  german,  and 
at  first  they  cursed  the  german  children  as  'sales  boches'.  The  german  children 
received  instruction  in  french  and  worked  in  house  & garden. 

Summer  1941  Betty  surprised  her  daughters  with  a visit  having  received  'leave' 
for  a few  days  from  the  camp  commandant.  At  this  time  she  would  gladly  have  taken 
a j ob  as  f armworker  or  cook  in  a home . But  she  couldn ' t and  wouldn ' t leave  her 
ill  husband  and  returned  to  Gurs . But  at  least  she  could  tell  him  that  the 
girls  were  well  cared  for,  considering  the  circumstances. 

Mid  - 1942  Hanna  & Suzanne  Moses  along  with  another  girl  were  taken  to  the  OSE- 
childrens  home  "Chateau  de  Couret"  at  La  Jonchere  near  Ambazac,  near  Limoges. 

It  was  a question  of  a purely  girls  home  which  housed  only  Jewish  children. With 
time  the  news  spread  that  jews  were  not  only  be  shifted  from  one  camp  to  another 
but  were  also  deported  to  the  east. 

Along  the  way  from  Aspect  to  Couret  summer  1942  the  sisters  had  the  opportunity 
to  visit  their  parents  who  had  meanwhile  been  transferred  to  Recebedou.  Since 
Susanne  became  ill  with  grippe  the  gilrs  could  stay  with  their  parents  a whole 
week.  It  was  the  alst  time  that  they  saw  them. 

While  at  the  girls  home  near  Limoges  where  the  two  sisters  were  staying  early 
summer  1942,  one  day  - end  of  Mach/early  April  - the  girls  received  false  IDs. 

The  were  for  'Annemarie  Sc  Susanne  Mourer  of  Hageneau,  Alsace.  "At  the  same  time 
we  were  told  to  pack  our  suitcases  and  the  next  day  go  to  Limoges,  from  where 
we  then  were  to  travel  to  Switzerland".  There  they  met  about  50  other  endangered 
boys  and  girls  and  travelled  unt^r  the  guidance  of  M.Loinger,  an  OSE  worker. 


Ill 


to  Grenoble  by  train.  Most  children  had  relatives  or  good  friends  in  Switzerland. 
Hanna  & Susanne  were  taken  into  this  transport,  when  after  questioning  in  Couret 
by  OSE  people  about  relatives  or  friends  in  Switzerland,  and  they  just  had 
gotten  the  address  of  distant  relatives  via  whom  Moses  corresponded  with  relatives 
still  living  at  Frankfurt  S.  Stuttgart  (siblings). 

The  first  half  of  the  group  continued  on  into  Switzerland  the  day  they  got  to 
Grenoble.  The  otehr  group,  with  the  two  Moses  girls,  was  to  follow  next  day. 

But  since  Switzerland  closed  it's  borders  on  this  day  the  second  group  was  left 
in  Grenoble.  In  charge  of  a young  man  identified  only  as  'Luc'  they  were  told 
case  of  questioning  to  say  they  were  from  Alsace.  The  discoveryof  mostly 
german  children  would  have  been  very  dangerous.  In  order  not  to  appear  to  visible 
the  children  ate  at  different  little  bistros  and  during  the  day  spent  many  hours 
at  the  movies.  When  weeks  later  the  swiss  still  showed  no  readiness  to  open  their 
boarders  the  group  was  distributred  to  reliable  families  in  the  vicinity,  the 
boys  to  farmers  in  teh  country,  the  girls  to  work  in  households.  Hanna,  now  15^, 
and  the  14-year  old  sister  Susanne  thru  the  agency  of  sisters  of  an  order  were 
placed  as  cook  resp.  chambermaid  in  the  10-manber  household  of  a pensioned  french 
general  of  WWI. 

Three  months  later  the  girls  were  called  back  to  Grenoble.  There  a group  of  ca.  20 
children  and  youths  was  assembled.  This  group  was  taken,  by  a woman  ' who  looked 
like  a catholic  pathfinder  (boy  scout-tr)  'by  train  to  Annecy-Annemasse  direction 

Swiss  border,  finally  to  Machilly,  of  which  Hanna  reports:  how  we  took  the 

small  children  on  our  laps  so  that  we  wouldn't  stick  out  so  much.  Before  this  the 
guide  had  impressed  upon  us  all  sorts  of  apt  stories  that  we  were  to  relate  if 
we  were  caught  by  anyone.  For  ordinary  nosy  people  we  travelled  in  a ' preventoire ' 
since  we  supposed  had  weak  lungs  and  were  to  recuperate. 

Brought  to  the  village  Doxrvaine,  with  a truck  just  available  for  the  8 km  trip, 
the  children  received  back  their  original  german  ID,  the  forged  papers  were  taken 
back.  In  case  we  were  caught  and  questioned  by  swiss  border  & customs  people, 

"we  were  to  say  that  we  were  from  distant  cities  in  the  north  of  France. 

After  spending  the  day  in  the  inner  yard  of  a vicarage  at  Douvaine,  the  group 
was  picked  up  about  10  PM  "by  two  men  totally  unknown  to  us".  We  were  to  keep 
absolutely  quiet,  walk  one  behind  the  other  and  change  off  carrying  the  littlest 
ones.  The  way  was  thru  fields  which  gave  some  cover,  thru  high  com  plants,  and  also 
f-vti-ii  wnoHQ.  hilt  this  was  on  a rise  because  under  us  Lake  Geneva  mirrored,  and 


on  teh  horizon  one  could  the  bright  lights  of  the  city  of  Geneva." 

Having  arrived  at  a high  barbed  wire  fence,  the  unknwon  guides  shoved  the  25 

children  thru  the  cut  fence  and  disappeared.  The  children,  who  let  themselves 
roll  down  the  slope,  reached  and  crossed  a brook,  and  then  " quiet  joy  broke  out". 


112 


The  finally  landed  at  a policeman's  in  the  middle  of  teh  night.  Hanna  Meyer- 

Moses : " We  told  him  the  tales  taught  to  us ... . we  had  to  be  careful  to  always 

give  the  same  answers Finally  when  the  last  of  us  had  repeated  everything 

we  were  again  loaded  into  the  'green  Minna"  (paddy  wagon— tr) and  took  us  to 

a reception  camp  in  the  city."  The  25  Jewish  children  were  safe  29  July  1943. 

P.  151  Hanna  (r)  & Susanne  Moses  in  Bern.  Thsi  picture  was  taken  a year 
after  the  successful  flight  over  the  french  border.  At  this  time 
they  were  unaware  of  their  parent's  fate. 

From  Geneva  the  sisters  could  again  correspond  with  their  parents / after  not 

being  able  to  do  so  since  April  1943  after  arriving  in  Courbet.  The  last  news 

of  their  parents  was  dated  12  May  1944,  from  the  last  camp,  called  Centre 

d'Accueil  in  Reillanne/Provence.  From  there  Betty  Moses  was  taken  to  Drancy  and 

on  30  May  1944  to  Auschwitz.  Nathan  Moses  died  immediately  after  the  deportation 

of  his  wife  from  Reilanne  in  a hospital  the  Gestapo  had  reserved  for  'refugees 

and  indo-chinese  laborers"  at  Marseille.  The  day  of  death  for  Nathan  Moses 

(b.l886)  and  his  wife  Betty  (b.l889)  was  later  set  as  31  May  1944. 

Sources : 

Report  of  Frau  Hanna  Meyer -Moses,  (unpubl. manuscript)  in  Stadtarchiv 
Karlsruhe  8/StS  17/171-4 

Josef  Werner:  Hakenkreutz  & Judenstern  (Swastika  & Jewish  Star-tr ) 

Das  Schicksal  the  Karlsruher  Juden  im  Dritten  Reich  - Publ.  of  the 
Stadtarchiv,  Band  9 Publ. by  Heinz  Schmidt,  Karlsruhe  1990 


113 


ENCOUNTER  - Attempts  at  Understanding 

1978  the  chronicle  'Die  Juedische  Gemeinde  von  Kirchen'  appeared  in  two 
editions.  With  the  exception  of  some  vandalism  at  the  Jewish  cemetary  - never 
cleared  up  -restitution  matters  in  the  50 's  by  the  people  who  lost  their 
houses  and  property,  and  sporadic  visits  of  former  Jewish  citizens  of  Kirchen 
of  the  Jewish  faith  to  theri  birthplace,  up  to  this  time  there  was  little  public 
interest  in  the  Jewish  history  of  the  hometown.  The  book  happened  to  appear  at 
the  same  time  as  tow  events  occurred  concerning  better  understanding  (Wirkungs- 
geshcichte  - not  easily  translated-tr ) . For  one,  the  US-made  TV  film  'Holocaust' 
was  shown  between  Jan.  22-26,  1979  in  all  third  programs  of  the  ARD  (germnan  TV) 
with  following  live  discussion.  With  this  the  german  people  saw  for  428  minutes 
the  mass-murder  of  the  Jews  as  related  by  the  fate  of  two  Jewish  families  of 
Berlin,  aimed  at  body  & soul.  In  addition  to  negation  the  film  shocked  the  viewers 
and  caused  some  very  basic  discussions  and  conversations. 

The  second  event  was  the  fight,  in  letters  to  the  editor  of  both  the  Badische 
Zeitung  and  the  Oberbadisches  Volksblatt  re  the  re-naming  of  the  school  in 
Efringen-Kirchen  to  the  'Hermann  Burte  Schule",  The  poet  & painter  lived  in 
Efringen-Kirchen  1946-1958.  Many  of  his  contemporaries  knew  him  as  a writer  of 
alemanic  verse.  His  other  works  were  however  less  read,  i.e.  'Wiltfeber,  der  ewige 
Deutsche'.  They  had  an  anti-semitic  spirit. 

In  his  time  at  Efringen-Kirchen  Burte  was  publicly  honored. So  the  street  in  which 
he  lived  was  named  for  him  and  1958  he  was  named  ' Ehrenbuerger ' (honorary  citizen- 
tr)  of  Efringen-Kirchen.  Now,  18  years  after  hsi  death  the  naming  of  the  school 
caused  an  uproar. 

Soon  thru  the  afore-mentioned  book  the  discrepancy  between  the  terrible  history 
of  the  Jews  of  Kirchen  and  the  name  of  the  school  bearing  his  name.  On  17  Oct. 

1978  town  councillor  Guenter  Schoening  wrote  in  the  Oberbadisches  Volksblatt; 

"For  this  reason  Burte  cannot  be  an  example  for  today's  generation.  He  who  wants 
to  Join  the  discussion  should  first  read  two  books:  'Wiltfeder,  der  ewige  Deutsche' 
by  BiiTte,  and  Axel  Huettner's  "The  Jewish  congrregation  of  Kirchen".  After  studying 
both  books  I see  no  further  reason  to  even  think  of  constitutional  matters  of 
the  BRD  that  Burte  is  a suitable  patron  to  name  a school  after. 

On  6 Febr.1979  the  Oberschulamt  advised  that  the  name  change  may  not  occur. 

Pres.  Rolf  Kindler  remarked  on  the  fate  of  the  Jewish  community.  Because  of 


When  the  town-council  Efringen-Kirchen  renewed  it's  efforts  for  the  naming  of 
the  school  in  Burte 's  honor,  a action  group  was  formed;  Conscience  and  Atonanent, 
that  on  the  day  fo  the  traditional  'Rulaender  Schoppen'  (Rulander  Wine  Festival-tr) 


114 


(an  annual  festival  in  honor  of  Burte's  memory)  called  for  a dignified  memorial 
service  for  the  40  jews  of  Kirchen  murdered  by  the  National  Socialists.  The 
central  theme  of  this  memorial  was  to  be  a dsicussion  of  the  spirit  of  Burte 
and  the  book;  of  Axel  Huettner;  this  ecumenical  event  was  planned  by  Rev. W. Meier, 
Blansimgen,  Rev.  H. Keller,  Istein,  and  Landes-Rabbiner  Dr .N.P. Levinson. 

The  action-group  decided  not  to  hold  it's  silent  march.  It  never  got  to  the 
feared  discussion  on  the  part  of  both  sides. 

This  discussion  re  the  schoolname  brought  forth  important  impulses  for  an 
encounter  with  the  former  Jewish  fellow  citizens  of  Efringen-Kirchen. 

The  town  administration  soon  contacted  Rabbi  Dr.  Levinson,  who  in  talks  suggested 
an  invitation  of  the  surviving  former  Jewish  citizens  of  Kirchen.  In  other 
towns  this  meeting  produced  good  responses.  After  ads  in  various  Jewish  news- 
papers: Isr. Wochenblatt  - Zurich,  Juedische  Rundschau  - Basel,  Aufbau  - New  York, 
Juden  in  Deutschland  - Duesseldorf,  various  former  Jewish  citizens  of  Kirchen 
wrote  to  express  interest.  These  were  the  following: 

Denise  & Siegfried  Leder-Braunschweig,  Basel 
Hans  Bloch,  Mayor  in  Israel  & grandson  of  Max  Bloch 
Alfred  Bloch,  Basel,  grandson  of  Herz  Bloch 
Dr.  K.  e.  Bloch,  Luzern 

Herbert  & Margarether  Braeunlin,  Halt ingen 
Alfred  Rosenberg  & wife  Alice  nee  Bloch,  USA 

Johanna  Marque-Braunschweig  & Arnold  w.son  & daughter-in-law,  USA 

Sophie  Kessler-Braunschweig  & daughter  Linda  Weiss,  USA 

P.154  The  guests  in  front  of  the  Rathaus  Efringen-Kirchen  1983. 

first  row  (1-r) Sophie  Kessler-Braunschweig,  Alfred  Ludwig  Rosenberg, 
Ellen  Wascou,  Arnold  Marque,  Anneliese  Wascou-Weil,  Hans  Bloch, 

Rear  Row  (1-re): Irene  Bloch,  Ludwig  Brightbill-Kessler,  Johanna 
Marque-Braunschweig,  Hannie  Leder,  Julius  Leder 

After  intensive  discussion  and  planning  these  people  visited  Efringen-Kirchen 

from  12-26  June  1983.  The  program  called  for  meeting  with  the  local  people, 

conversations  with  the  students  of  the  Haupt-  & Realschule,  drives  to  Buergeln, 

Breisach,  Sulzburg,  Freiburg,  Worms,  heppenheim  & Heidelberg.  Two  worship 

services,  one  at  the  synagogue  at  Freiburg  and  on  e at  the  Christuskirche  at 

Kirchen  exemplified  the  eomienical  spirit  of  this  visit. 

In  his  welcoming  remarks  at  the  lutheran  community  hall  at  Kirchen  Buergermeister 
Dierkes  spoke  of  the  reservations  sane  of  the  invited  Jewish  guests  about  ccxning. 

\ wiiw  vuxtoii  u cit-i-cryu/  uxuli  u wdiiu  uu  xtivxsit  uns  couTicry  cnac 

has  hurt  them  so  much.  He  spoke  further:  'We  haven't  met  today  in  order  to 


115 


discuss  the  terrible  happenings  of  the  past,  to  assign  guilt,  and  possibly 
re-open  old  wounds.... we  are  gathered  today  first  of  all  to  reach  out  our  hand 
to  our  former  Jewish  fellow  citizens,  to  ask  for  atonement  & understanding. 

This  is  so  much  easier  for  us since  you  (men  and  women)  lived  in  great 

harmoney  together  in  Kirchen... we  are  in  the  present  time... the  constant  threat 
of  war,  hate  resentment,  more  than  ever  reguired  to  seek  understanding  among 
peoples,  among  the  individuals'.  Dierkes  concluded:'!  beg  you  for  forgiveness, 
atonement.  I hope  and  believe  that  your  are  ready  to  accept  the  outstretched 
hand  for  understanding. ' 

Landesrabbiner  Dr.  N.  P.  Levison  concluded  his  remarks  comparing  the  wandering 
of  Jacob  to  Haran,  when  he  did  not  stop  in  Jerusalem,  ' Is  it  possible  that  I 
passed  by  the  place  where  my  ancestors  worshiped  without  visiting  there? 
and  the  situation  of  the  former  jews  of  Kirchen  who  had  now  returned. 

'Dear  guests,  most  of  you  went  past  this  place  until  now.  We  all  know  the 
reasons  why.  We  understand  them.  There  will  also  be  those  that  will  never  again 
step  on  german  soil.  But  you  came.  It's  like  a miracle,  you  came  to  this  place, 
and  you  can  pray  at  the  graves  of  your  fathers  and  mothers '.' The  eternal  optimists 
came'  quoted  a local  paper  the  remarks  of  the  rabbi. 

With  this  visit  of  the  Jewish  guests  a good  beginning  was  made  for  a new  mutual 

understanding.  Two  tablets  remind  of  this  new  beginning.  One  was  placed  in  the 

hall  of  the  Efringen-Kirchen  Rathaus  by  the  former  Jewish  citizens: 

P.155  In  grateful  acknowledganent  for  the  generous  hospitality 

of  the  Gemeinde  Efringen-Kirchen  June  1983.) plus  names  of  attendees) 

A second  tablet  is  placed  on  the  outside  of  the  wall  surrounding  the  Jewish 

cemetary  at  Kirchen,  donated  by  the  town  administration: 

P.155  In  memory  of  our  Jewish  fellow  citizens  and  their  syabgogue 
at  Kirchen.  (On  the  left  is  shown  the  Burning  Bush  and  the 
words  of  2. Moses  3,2b:  The  bush  biimed  in  fire  but  was  not  consumed. 

p,155  _ top:  Headline  of  the  Badische  Zeitung  25  June  1983: 

'A  few  Optimists  have  returned'. 

The  year  1988  brought  the  50th  anniversary  fo  the  pogrom  of  9/10  November  1938 

commemorated  at  the  site  of  the  1831  built  synagogue.  On  the  evening  of  9.Nov. 

Kirchen  ranembered  and  a plaque  was  attached  to  the  Waagebrunnen  (Waage  spring-tr) 

nearby.  It  reads  as  follows:  P.156: 

In  Memoriam.  . . ^ 

Only  about  50  m.  easterly  stood  the  synagogue  of  our  Jewish  congregation, 

built  1831.  . . , 

On  9 Nov.  1938  this  House  of  God  was  desecratea,  v^aaiizea,  uuu  xauei. 

From  1736  until  the  years  after  1933  Jews  and  Christians  lived  together 

in  peaceful  community. 

Frcan  1933  began  the  persecution  of  our  Jewish  fellow  citizens,  sorrow 


and  death. 


116 


In  rGmGmbrancG  of  thGin  and  thG  dGSGcration  of  thGir  synagoguG. 

ThG  citizGns  of  thG  communG  EfringGn-KirchGn.  9 NovombGr  1988. 

FurthGr  public  oanmGmorations  in  KirchGii  took  placG  Octobor  1990  in  itiGmory 

of  thG  Gxpulsion  of  thG  Jgws  of  Badon  and  thG  Pfalz,  thG  so-callGd  RobGrt 

WagnGr  action  of  22  Oct. 1940. 

ThG  GvangGlical  church  invited  to  an  exhibition  in  the  parish  house,  with  an 
opening  ceremony. 

Rev.  W.  Meier,  Blansingen,  and  Rev.  A.  Huettner,  Wollbach,  arranged  the  exhibits. 
The  political  community  invited  to  a silent  march.  The  SPD  local  and  district 
organizations  afterwards  had  some  speakers  in  the  'Old  School':  the  historian 
Markus  Moehring  and  the  auto-biographic  recollections  of  Margot  Wickey- 
Schwarzschild,  a Gurs  survivor. 

Already  April  & December  1990  as  well  as  March  & April  1991  invitations  were 
sent  to  survivors  and  family  members  of  the  former  Kirchen  jews. 

As  documented  by  the  town  administration  Efringen-Kirchen  the  contacts  with 
the  Jewish  fellow  citizens  established  1983  were  to  be  continued. 

From  14  - 28  May  1991  the  following  person  came  upon  invitation  by  the  community: 

P.156  List  of  attendees 

A working  group  had  prepared  the  program  for  the  guests  leaving  free  time  for 
the  guests,  in  addition  to  the  Evening  of  Meeting  in  the  Old  School,  excursions 
to  Breisach,  Sulzburg,  the  southern  Black  Forest,  Alsace,  & north-western 
Switzerland. 

The  guests  were  in  the  care  of  Buergermeister  Horst  Dierkes,  Chief  administrator 
Walter  Silbereisen,  and  senior  teacher  Wolfgang  Weller. 

The  'Evening  of  Meeting'  took  place  21  May  1991  in  the  full  auditoriiam  of  the 
Old  School,  and  imted  with  teh  local  citizens  many  guests  from  out  of  town,  i.e. 
Landesrabbiner  Soussan, Bundestag  S.  Landtag  delegates,  the  Landrat,  Buergermeister 
and  clergy  from  neighboring  communities. 

In  place  of  teh  suddenly  ill  author  Ingeborg  Hecht  her  friend  Claire  Gysin- 
Morgenstem  from  Riehen  read  of  her  auto-biographically  collored  works. 

Music  in  form  of  yiddish  songs  were  provided  by  students  from  Freiburg, 

Joscha  Zmarzlik  & Christian  Reck. 

A number  of  guests  spoke  of  the  new  relationship  with  their  old  'Heimat'. 

Alfred  Ludwig  Rosenberg,  the  last  official  hebrew  teacher  in  Kirchen,  spoke  for 
many  when  he  said: 'We  inherited  the  past,  we  have  to  build  the  future.  Today 
was  the  first  day  of  my  futxare.  ' 

P.  157  View  into  the  auditorium  21  May  1991.  (people  listed  in  2 totos; 
Remarks  of  thanks  by  former  religion  teacher  and  last  cnator 
of  the  Jewish  community  Kirchen,  Mr.  Rosenberg/ 


117 


The  Jewish  Cemetary  of  Kirchen 

The  life  of  a Jewish  congregation  includes  care  for  the  dead.  So  it  is  one 
of  the  main  concerns  of  a Jewish  congregation  to  find  a place  where  the  dead 
can  rest  peacefully  until  the  time  of  the  Messiah. 

P.158  The  old  Jewish  cemetary  at  Loerrach,  am  Schaedelberg 
The  cemetary  am  Schaedelberg,  today  Schuetzenwaldweg , at  Loerrach,  begun  1670, 
served  a regional  cemetary  until  1865  for  all  Jews  living  in  the  Roetteln 
disdrict.  Included  herein  were  the  Jews  of  Tumringen  & Fischingen,  as  well 
as  the  district's  second  largest  congregation,  Kirchen.  District  Rabbi  A.Lewin 
of  Freiburg  wrote  in  the  forword  of  his  1895  book  on  the  Jewish  cemetary  at 
Loerrach  (the  book  must  unfortunately  be  considered  lost): 'For  all  Jews  in 
the  county  Roetteln  and  not  only  for  the  congregation  fo  Loerrach  alone,  was 
the  old  cemetary  lying  am  Schaedelberg  acquired....  for  this  purpose  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Jewish  communities  paid  for  it  with  common  funds.  It  was 
a central  cemetary,  like  those  in  Sulzburg  & Emmendingen.  If  this  purchase 
took  place  1666,  as  per  the  town  chronicle  of  1882,  cannot  be  definitely  es- 
tablished now.  Certainly  it  is  no  younger.' 

After  the  original  land  bought  by  Nathan  Ullman  o.'  8 Dec.  1670  proved  inadequate 
further  purchases  were  made  1800,  1812,  1865  & 1873,  reaCHING  A WIDTH  OF  M 
AND  A LENGTH  OF  ! !%  M,  an  additional  enlargement  was  denied  by  the  Bezirksamt 
10  April  1874  due  to  being  close  to  the  city.  Primarily  for  financial  reasons 
the  Kirchen  congregation  decided  to  establish  it's  own  cemetary.  For  the  members 
of  the  congregations  of  Loerrach,  Kirchen,  Tumringen  & Fischingen,  at  the  marriage 
of  a son  had  to  pay  2 Gulden,  a daughter  3 Gulden,  burial  money  to  the  cemetary 
association  'Friedhofsgeneinschaft  von  L.-K.T.S.  F.'  In  addition  there  was  a 2 FI. 
paid  of  each  100  fl. 'marriage  tax',  with  a minimum  of  3 fl.30  kr.  and  a maximum 
of  35  fl.  The  cemetary  by-laws  (Friedhofsstatuten)  of  14  Febr.1775  (14  Adar  5535) 
established  that  the  poor  were  to  buried  with  costs  paid  by  the  charity  of 
the  congregation  (Almosenkasse).  Strangers  who  moved  or  married  into  one  of 
the  district  communities  had  to  buy  in.  The  amount  was  set  by  the  committee. 

So  Nathan  Ullmann  from  Duermenach/Alsace  in  1770  paid  30  fl..  Wolf  Levi 
from  hegenheim  paid  66  fl.  upon  moving  in,  and  Salomon  Bloch  from  Muellheim 
paid  22  fl. 'Finally  the  funeral  treasury  was  paid  for  butchered  cattle  6 kr. 
for  beeves  and  3 kr.  for  smaller.  Because  of  the  constant  enlargement  of  the 
cemetary  the  individual  congregations  had  rising  costs  for  the  construction 
and  maintenance  of  the  cemetary.  Aside  trom  tne  rinaciai  piuuitau  Kii-uhen  cilow 
had  one  of  travel.  The  Kirchen  Jews  had  to  carry  their  dead  over  the  'Lucke', 
a small  pass  over  the  southern  foothills  of  the  Black  Forest  to  Loerrach.  This 


was  very  difficult  in  that  ' autcanobile-less ' time. 


118 


P.159  The  Jewish  cemetary  of  Kirchen 

Since  anything  dead,  even  human,  is  'unclean'  the  dead  had  to  be  brought  over 
the  mountain  to  Loerrach  as  quickly  as  possible.  So  quotes  Schmidt  from  the 
no  longer  existing  Cemetary  Book  of  the  Loerrach  Congregation: .. .Now  the  men 
who  are  at  home  have  to  wash  and  dress  the  corpse  at  home.  A washing  of  the  dead 
at  the  cemetary  as  was  customery  at  Salzburg  & Hegenheim  was  no  longer  done 
here.  Most  of  teh  old  cemeteries  therefor  are  situated  near  brooks  or  creeks. 

The  custom  of  washing  the  dead  goes  back  to  talmudic  times.  If  the  washing  is 
done  for  purely  hiegenic  reasons  is  unclear.  The  custom  of  'Tahara'is  based 
on  the  following:  'Man  is  washed  at  birth  and  is  clean.  Therefor  he  should  also 
be  washed  upon  dying.'  or  ' Clean  shall  the  soul  return  to  it's  creator  as 


man  has  received  it ' ' . 


Argiments  and  lawsuits  between  the  congregations  of  Kirchen  & Loerrach 
probably  were  the  reason  Kirchen  decided  1865  to  build  it's  own  cemetary. 

On  11  Sept.  1878  paid  to  Loerrach  a settlement  of  75  fl.  With  this  the  former 
central  cemetary  became  the  local  Loerrach  cemetary.  Not  long  after,  between 
1891  & 1902,  the  still  existing  Jewish  cemetary  was  established  along  the 
Brombacherstrasse  (next  to  the  main  town  cemetary). 


P.160  Jewish  Graves 


Old  Jewish  cemeteries,  like  the  above-mentioned  district  cemetary  at  Loerrach 
or  the  similarly  mentioned  ones  at  Sulzburg  & Hegenheim/Alsace,  are  mostly 
situated  on  agriculturally  poor  or  even  unusable  land;  already  the  primary 
donand  of  the  eternal  grave  rest  is  a strict  requirement  for  Jewish  bxxrial. 

The  Kirchen  Jewish  cemetary  is  differently  situated.  It  lies  in  a slightly 
rising  terrain  facing  north-westerly,  bordered  on  it's  northerly  length  by  a 
bank  2m  high. 

Until  a few  years  ago  it  was  totally  isolated  from  the  two  villages,  Ef ringen  S, 
Kirchen,  about  120m  from  the  rail  line  Basel-Freiburg  and  about  400m  from  the 
federal  highway  B3,  in  a field.  Gewann  Kehlacker,  Flurstueck  # 3646.  Meanwhile 
the  industrial  are  has  moved  next  to  the  cemetary.  Four  high  chestnut  trees 
shading  most  of  teh  middle  & rear  lend  dignity  and  deep  rest  for  the  dead. 

The  caofietary  is  ca.36m  long  on  the  westside, north  about  38m  and  20m  width, 
together  with  the  lawn  in  front  take  up  about  1,842  sq.m.  151  graves  are  clearly 
visible.  Seen  from  the  entrance  45  graves  are  on  the  left,  87  on  the  right. 


The  visitor  first  notes  the  newer  graves,  from  1920  - 1937,  that  fill  the  first 
rows  of  the  right  & left  sides.  The  stones,  aside  from  a few  hebrew  lines. 


119 


could  also  be  found  in  Christian  cemetaries.  The  process  of  assimilation  also 
continued  here  in  the  village  for  decades.  But  the  further  the  visitor  goes 
into  the  cemetary  the  stranger  and  mor  unusual  does  it  become.  The  newer 
right  side  of  the  cemetary  - the  first  grave  dated  1884  - is  laid  out  in 
rows  of  sixes  & sevens. 

But  the  left  rear  side,  where  the  oldest  graves  lie,  at  first  view  appears 
disorderly.  A few  graves  can  only  be  recognized  by  spaces  between  existing 
ones,  are  level  to  the  ground.  The  still  readable  stones  from  1865  - 1870 
are  all  incised  in  hebrew  and  are  more  modestly  decorated  than  those  after 
1900. In  the  rear  rows  on  the  left  are  still  stones  in  the  timeless  semiround 
form  of  the  roman  stele  that  is  to  be  fo\and  at  all  old  cemetaries. 

We  can  only  appreciate  the  beauty  and  distinction  of  these  'God  s Acres  from 
these  last  rows.  The  similarity  fo  teh  epitaphs,  the  height  and  decoration  of 
teh  stones,  in  their  conservative  decoration  give  a impressive  pictiire  of 
closeness,  of  the  collection  of  the  dead  members  of  the  congregation  many 
decades  later.  Modesty  & congregation,  a fortunate  symbiosis  of  art  & nature. 

Of  course  this  Kirchen  Jews  Cemetary  is  not  a Waldfriedhot  (forest  cem.-tr), 
it's  in  an  open  field,  almost  level,  and  is  only  distantly  comparable  with 
centuries  old  Jewish  cemetaries,  but  the  thick  growth  of  trees,  creating  a 
unity  of  man'd  work  & memories,  returning  to  nature,  give  it  greatness.  But 
here  the  cemetary  rules  apply.  On  stone  and  concrete  bases  they  stand,  the 
red  sandstones,  and  wait  in  vain  to  be  permitted  to  slowly  sink  into  the  earth. 
Theri  fate  is  to  be  toppled  and  smashed,  the  fate  that  also  befell  the  old 
Loerrach  cemetary.  As  late  as  1932  J.  Wilhelm  wrote  about  the  stones  of  the 
old  cemetary  at  Loerrach:  ’ They  stand  like  a group  of  venerable  old  men  who 
can  hardly  hold  themselves  erect,  tired  as  they  are,  would  like  to  lay  down  to 
sleep ' . The  graves  were  and  are  totally  undecorated . No  green  plants  and  no 
flowers  decorate  the  grave.  Totally  uniformly  are  they  covered  with  light  gravel, 
a unity  of  the  individually  lived  but  uniformly  affecting  death. 

P.  161  Grave  of  Moses  Levi 

(Tr.Note:  here  follow  details  of  graves  which  will  be  passed  over  since  the 
data  is  easily  gleaned.  Some  description  of  note  will  be  tr. ) 

P.163  - Grave  of  Veist  Bloch  R-31  (iilus.) 

This  grave  with  it's  size,  figures  and  ornamentation  is  the  most  noticeable 

or  mti  fcülUXJLC  utaiieuaxjr«  me  aiu.«. wju«..  ^ --  i.  - 

and  makes  perfect  identification  difficult.  Visible  is  a german  inscription  from 

Isa. 58. 8 on  the  base:  Then  shall  thy  light  break  forth  as  the  morning 

And  thy  healing  shall  spring  forth  speedily; 
and  thy  righteousness  shall  go  before  thee, 

The  glory  of  the  Lord  shall  be  thy  reward. 


120 


On  th0  friGZ0  abov0  th0  missing  tabl0t  ar0  shown  in  d00p  raliaf  a numbGr  of 
artifacts,l.-r. : a hand  holding  an  opon  book,  a knifo,  and  a drinking  cup. 

Th0S0  artifiacts  aro  oasily  rocognizod  as  th0  ritual  itoms  of  a Mohol. 

Th0  Moh0l  US0S  a.o.  tho  following:  Knifo,  sand  containor,  Mohol  book,win0 
containor.  Th0  follwoing  parraollo  to  this  Kirchon  gravostono  may  he  mantionod 
h0r0:  "V0ry  strango  appears  the  gravemarker  in  Hemsbach/Baden , from  1753,  of  a 
devout  man  who  officiated  as  Mohel...the  circumcision  reguires  the  following 
artifacts;  wine  beaker,  plate,  knife,  and  a two-handled  vessel  . 

The  office  of  Mohel  was  a post  of  high  honor  in  the  Jewish  congregation  and 
was  only  given  to  outstanding  personalities.  The  size  of  the  stone  and  the  trim 
customary  at  the  time  show  that  this  was  indeed  an  'outstanding  personality 
in  Kirchen. 

The  chronologic  order  of  the  grave  rows  and  the  above  notes  point  to  Veist 
Bloch,  who  from  1876  until  his  death  (1896)  was  head  of  teh  congregation.  Only 
a few  months  before  his  death  req.the  Bezirkssynagogenrat  at  Freiburg  allow  him 
to  relinguish  his  office  for  reasons  of  health.  He  suffered  from  heart  disease 
and  '‘overly  great  nervösity'.  But  the  Rat  at  Freiburg  denied  this  reguest  since 
they  felt  nobody  else  could  hold  this  office  just  now.  At  the  same  time  the 
congregation  of  Kirchen  asked  that  he  retain  his  office,  wished  him  well  and 
expressed  their  thanks  for  his  long  service.  Veist  Bloch  remained  in  office 
but  died  seven  months  later. 

Symbolism 

On  the  gravestones  one  often  saw  a water  Jug,  or  a basin,  or  similar  vessel. 
This  describes  the  major  religous  function  of  the  members  of  the  tribe  of  Levy. 
On  festivals  the  Levys  gave  the  Kohanim  (priests)  the  water  to  pour  over  their 
hands  when  they  blessed  the  congregation. 

The  crown.  This  exönplifies  the  good  name  ( Fathers, 4, 17) ; Three  crowns  may 
grace  man:  The  crown  of  the  Thora,  the  Priesthood,  the  Kingdom,  but  that  of 
a good  name  outranks  all  three. 

The  vine  symbolizes  a successful  life. 

As  mentioned  already  the  left  rear  of  the  cemetary  is  the  oldest  section. 

These  graves  date  from  1866  - 1882.  No  doubt  the  rows  of  gravestones,  so 
thin  today,  were  full  rows  of  5 - 6 graves. The  years  1867  - 1882  demanded  38 
Hoa+-Vic  frnm  fhf»  Ki rrhpn  iewish  conareaation.  But  only  15  graves  of  this  period 
remain  in  good  condition.  When  we  assume  that  these  rows  were  as  thickly  set  as 
those  on  the  right,  by  coxanting  5-6  graves  per  row  we  arrive  at  ca.35  of 
this  period  which  is  approximately  as  shown  on  my  list  of  dead.  Where  else  in 
Kirchen  could  they  have  been  buried? 


121 


The  only  cemetaries  in  question  would  be  those  of  Basel  or  Loerrach,  or  the 
already  far  distant  ones  at  Muellheim  & Sulzburg.  Basel  is  excluded  right  off 
since  until  1903  it  buried  it's  dead  in  Hegenheim/Alsace.  Loerrach  and  the 
other  two  are  excluded  for  similar  reasons.  Who  would  want  to  bury  his  dead 
in  an  overfull  cemetary  with  whose  administration  one  had  differences  concer- 
ning money  matters? 

To  the  left  of  the  entrance  is  a memorial  tablet  remembering  the  victims  of 
the  tyranny  of  the  eyars  1933  - 1945  of  the  Kirchen  j .congregation.  This 
tablet  was  made  1966  by  the  firm  J.  Bernhard  of  Weil  am  Rhein,  after  the 
town  administration  of  Efringen— Kirchen  in  cooperation  with  the  Oberrat  der 
Israeliten  in  Karlsruhe,  and  the  Landscape  architect  A.Engler  of  basel 
agreed  on  the  sandstone  foundation  for  the  bronze  tablet. The  1.00m  x 0.60  m 
Branze  tablet  listing  the  victims  of  the  terror  regime  is  inscribed  as  follows: 
P.168  Tablet  with  Inscription  S.  Names: 

Of  the  Jewish  Congregation  of  Kirchen  were  abducted  and  died  1939  - 1945 
( names  listed) 

One  must  appreciate  the  efforts  of  the  town  to  have  set  this  mem  orial  1066, 
based  on  a reasonably  careful  search  for  victims  of  the  nazi  regime.  One  must 
also  appreciate  the  difficulty  in  researching  difficult  sources.  A further  16 
persons  born  in  Kirchen  or  married  to  Kirchen  jews/jewesses  are  not  thereon. 
These  are:  see  listing  P.168 

The  Irma  Bloch  listed  on  teh  tablet  at  that  time  lived  in  Norwich, NY, USA. 

1983  on  the  left  outside  wall  a tablet  was  placed  - see  P.155 
After  the  Jewish  cemetary  survived  the  nazi  period  without  any  real  damage  - 
probably  due  to  it's  out  of  the  way  location  - in  1965,  about  Christmas  time, 
it  was  destroyed  by  still  unknown  persons.  Over  70  gravestones  were  toppled, 
marble  tablets  with  the  names  of  the  deceased  inscribed  were  destroyed.  In  a 
large  press  campaign  reaching  as  far  as  Switzerland  this  deed  was  unanymously 
condemmed.  The  town,  concerned  with  the  care  of  the  cemetary  - for  this  is  one 
of  the  best  maintained  in  southern  Baden  - found  a poor  echo  in  the  press  con- 
demnation after  taking  proper  care  for  so  long.  In  more  recent  past.  May  1973, 
June  1973  & June  1977  stones  were  toppled  and  inscriptions  destroyed. 

Not  always  perfectly,  because  for  obvious  reasons  repairs  had  to  be  amde 
quickly,  the  stones  were  restored.  None  of  these  perpetrators  - whose  action 
could  in  any  way  oe  expxainea  - weie  evei.  (-auyhL  i.n  opxtc  wf  high  rcvardc 

offered  for  their  arrest. 

P.169  Graph  showing  stones  destroyed  or  damaged. 


Of  the  42  stones  carrying  hebrew 


inscription,  all  but  5 could  be  identified. 


122 


The  readability  of  the  hebrew  inscriptions  varied.  The  newer  were  easily 
read.  However  the  old  older  ones  were  difficult  to  reconstruct  & read. 

The  greater  age  of  the  gravestones  was  esthetically  more  beautiful,  but  the 
non-durable  material,  soft  red  sandstone,  and  the  unreadability  of  the  often 
recurring  and  similar  letters  as  well  as  weathering  complicated  translations. 

The  third  point  is  that  the  Christian  stonemasons  did  not  know  hebrew,  who 
carved  the  letters  as  they  thought  best.  The  frequent  abbreviations  added 
to  the  difficulty. 

The  list  of  hebrew  grave  inscription  with  a few  typical  translations  appear 
in  appendix  # 9. 

The  Jewish  Family  Names  in  Kirchen 

Leopold  Zunz,  the  old  master  of  hebrew  language  & history,  opined  in  his 
collected  works:  "The  names  of  the  jews  hide  a secret  history,  they're  diaries 
in  secret  code,  which  can  be  disclosed  by  diligent  research  . 

The  history,  the  fate,  of  each  individual  bearer  of  a name  was  in  early  times 
given  by  his  name.  In  the  early  middle  ages  the  jews  living  in  Germany  carried 
german  names,  or  the  hebrew  names  would  be  germanized.  If  the  jews  had  german 
names  it  meant  that  they  had  civil,  'unholy'  names.  Some  of  tehse  profane  (civil) 
names  were  partially  abbreviations  or  variations  of  'holy'  names  used  in  worship 
(for. ex. the  hebr.Pinhas,  Pinkus  became  the  german  Seligmann).  With  time  the 
differences  between  the  holy  and  profane  names  were  diffused.  But  one  fact 
remains:  For  a long  time  jews  had  only  one  name.  Later  when  several  bore  the  same 
name  somme  differentiation  was  added.  Often  this  was  by  using  the  father's  name 
with  the  suffix  '..sohn'  or  by  listing  some  physical  or  toher  peculiarity,  or 
the  place  of  origin  of  the  individual.  This  happened  first  in  the  cities  in 
the  12th  & 13th  century  with  their  larger  Jewish  congregations.  Much  later, 
in  the  17th  & 18th  century  second  or  family  names  were  beginning  to  be  used 
by  jews  in  the  comtry  and  small  towns. 

In  Baden  the  taking  of  fixed  family  names  was  first  required  by  par. 24  of  the 
IX.  constitutional  edict  of  13  January  1809.  This  stated:  "Each  house- father 
of  the  Jewish  religion  who  does  not  already  ahve  a particular,  inheritable 
family  name,  is  required  to  take  such  for  himself  and  his  children".  The 
requirement  of  a fixed  family/second  name  was  one  of  the  means  of  integrating 
the  Jewry  into  the  usages  of  the  Christian  society.  This  however  meant 

giving  up  the  ancient  neorew  names  tui  uucm.  uvc**  

the  keeping  of  a Jewish  name  the  Baden  administration  forbade  it. 

It  took  a long  time  for  this  edict  to  become  fully  effective.  The  lists  with 
the  assumed  names  arrived  late  at  the  grand  ducal  interior  ministry.  There 


123 


names  appearing  to  ahve  a hebrew  origin  were  found  to  be  inadequate  by 
the  grand  ducal  officials  (i.e.Baruch,  David,  Jacob,  Levi,  Nathan,  Simon, 

Salomon,  Moses,  Abraham,  etc.. But  german-sounding  names,  of  obvious  hebrew  roots 
such  as  Cohn  Kahn  (Cohen),  Loeb,  Loew  (Levi),  Meier  (Meir)  were  not  objected 
to.  The  effect  of  this  par  24  in  the  Oberamt  Loerrach  I will  examine  as  follows: 
Dreifuss  is  a conspicuos  example  of  the  change  of  individual  names  such  as 
Bloch  & Braunschweig  that  likely  were  carried  as  family  names.  The  reason  for 
this  is  that  in  the  Amtsbezirk  no  less  than  14  families  were  n amed  Bloch 
and  7 were  named  Braunschweig;  in  addition  to  this  several  first  names  were 
alike  in  one  family  - for  example  the  Blochs,  Salomon,  Leopold,  Alexander  - 
so  that  a differentiation  by  first  names  was  impossible.  By  the  setting  of  new 
first  names  the  branches  of  a family  group  were  considered  and  separately 
named.  However  I can't  agree  with  the  explanation  for  Dreifuss,  'according  to 
which  no  family  retained  the  old  name'.  The  Braunschweigs  appeared  with  the 
following  names:  Beck,  Braun,  Domacher,  Graf  & Keller.  The  Blochs  with  Dieten- 
heimer,  Domacher,  Dreher,  Geissmann,  Kaufmann,  Kircheimer,  Mock  & Weil.  With 
the  Bloch  family  the  namechange  recited  by  Dreifuss  can  be  exactly  followed. 

The  families  Braunschweig  however  never  appeared  in  teh  Kirchen  jews  lists  with 
any  of  above  names.  These  apparently  hold  for  Loerrach. 

A further  rule  of  par. 24  held:  "Everyone  must  keep  his  current  names  as  first 
names  and  may  not  discard  any",  this  led  to  the  creation  of  double  names,  i.e. 

Leibl  Bloch-Dietenheimer  or  Heimann  Bloch-Geismann  or  Alexander  Bloch-Mock. 

By  the  retention  of  the  old  names  as  first  names  (not  meant  as  forenames  by 
which  individuals  are  called)  the  government  wanted  to  retain  a certain  controi 
over  existing  contracts,  signed  documents  and  notes  for  debts.  The  new  names, 
when  they  indicate  an  occupation  are  generally  not  identical  with  the  bearer  s 
business  or  occup>ation.  So  Meier  Levi -Schlosser  was  never  a 'Schlosser'  ( locksmith- tr) 
but  was  a small  trader.  Dreifuss  raises  the  question  if  Schlosser  was  taken 
in  memory  of  the  Goethe  brother-in-law  who  did  much  for  the  jews  emancipation 
in  Bavaria?  Salomon  Bloch-Dreher  was  never  a Dreher  (tumer-tr)  but  like  most 
jews  of  then  Kirchen  was  a trader.  By  the  widow  of  Schluirenel  Bloch-Keufmann 
(called  the  small  one)  the  acquired  name  happens  to  equate  with  his  occupation 
as  Kaufmann  (merchant-tr ) . Or  is  this  based  on  Jacob, -Kopmann, -Kaufmann? 

Mi  edel  lists  Kaufmann  as  occupational  name  with  which  one  must  here  agree. 

The  names  taken  1810  in  Kirchen  did  not  remain  for  long.  After  1870  hardly 
anyone  in  Kirchen  held  the  then  accepted  names. 

P.173  Chart  of  different  categories  of  Names. 


124 


Place-Origin  Names 

The  most  common  name  in  Kirchen  was  Bloch.  Bloch  is  not  as  Goetze  suggests 
in  connection  with  Meyer— Tobler  the  description  of  a 'large/  plump  human  / 
but  a place  - origin  name.  After  the  jew  persecutions  of  the  14th  century 
a good  number  of  the  persecuted  jews  wandered  into  the  hospitable  Poland 
of  Casimir  the  Great.  Having  come  from  the  west/  westerners/  Welsche/  there 
they  called  themselves  Wloch  in  Slavic / which  after  their  return  to  Germany 
in  the  course  of  the  17th  century  was  changed  to  Bloch  and  appears  since  then. 

The  main  distribution  of  the  names  Bloch  & Bolach/  related  to  the  later  Pollack/ 
is  southern  Baden. 

The  name  Bloch  tells  of  the  wandering  of  german  jews  in  the  17th  century. 

Similar  place— origin  names  in  Kirchen/  such  as  Schwab/  Schwob/Bollag/  Pollack/ 

Wahl  S.  Frank  are  similarly  based  on  a region.  Is  the  name  Nordemann  (Nordmann) 
also  a geographic  place-origin  name?  The  name  itself  porbably  comes  from  Alsace. 
Dreifuss  doesn't  list  it.  However  all  those  carrying  this  name  in  Kirchen  were 
from  Alsace. 

The  name  Bigar/  Bikart/  Pickart/  also  found  in  Kirchen/  is  a place-origin/ 
geographical  name.  Probably  the  bearers  of  the  name  were  from  Picardy. 

Names  taken  from  Cities  and  Towns: 

This  category  includes  the  names  in  Kirchen:  Braunschweig,  Bacharach,  Brandeis 
(on  the  Elbe)/Domacher/  Dreifuss,  Geissmar  (Geismar  or  Hofgeismar),  Olesheimer, 
Grumbacher,  Guenzburger,  Harburger  (Harburg),  Kleefeld,  Reut linger,  Rosenthal, 
Strassburger,  Valfer  (Waif),  Wachenheimer , Wormser,  Weil,  Mannheimer,  Bodenheimer, 
Brandenburger,  Epstein,  Fuerth,  Bergheimer,  Greilsheimer  (Crailsheim),  Dieten- 
heimer,  Guggenheimer , Grumbach,  Wertheimer,  Steinberger,  Durbacher,  Wyhler, 
Weikersheimer . For  all  these  towns  one  must  assume  with  Dreifuss  that  the  choice 
of  name  seldom  is  the  place  of  residence  itself,  but  rather  of  a neighboring 
place.  For  Baden  only  these  named  by  Dreifuss  are  known:  Breisach,  Buehl, 
Flehingen,  Hilsbach,  Hockenheim,  Hoerden,  Kirchen,  etc. 

Family  Names  Originally  Hebrew  First  Names  of  Hebrew  Origin. 

Among  these  in  Kirchen  are:  Baruch,  Abraham,  Levi,  Meier  (Meir),  Heim  Hajim), 
Moses,  Samuel,  Zivi  (Sebi  - Hirsch),  comparable  name  for  Naftali  in  connection 
with  Jacob's  blessing  (1  Moses  49.21),  Model  (vaguely  from  Mordechai). 

Fanil V Mmaps  Rased  On  First  Nmaes  of  German  Origin 

Among  these  are:  Goetschel  ( variant  of  Gottschalk),  Schorsch  (dialect  for 
Georg),  Wolf  (comparable  name  for  Benjamin  - 1. Moses  49.21),  Loew  (con^r.  for 

Jehuda)  and  Falk. 

The  name  Nelson  according  to  Dreifuss  is  fo  vinclear  origin.  There  are  some 


125 


possible  basii:  Nelson  = son  of  Cormelius  (?),  Nelson  - after  the  british 
Admiral  Nelson,  hero  of  Trafalgar.  These  'memorial'  names  were  often  taken 
by  jews.  So  a number  of  Jewish  families  took  the  name  of  the  fighters  for  their 
emancipation,  Dohm  or  Lesisng.  Dreifuss  posits  another  possibility  of  the  name; 
(Katz)  nel  (lenbogen)  so  (h)  n.  The  name  Mendelsohn  would  belong  to  this 
category . 

Names  of  Hebrew  Origin: 

Kahn  from  (Cohen).  Another  group  is  based  on  some  fantastic  conjectures; 
similar  to  place-origin  names:  Levistein.  To  these  group  may  belong  the  names 
Reichenbach  & possibly  Felsenstein. 

The  names  Blum,  Rothschild,  Rieser  & Apfel  go  back  to  nmaes  of  buildings  or 
'houses'  many  of  which  appear  in  Frankfurt  but  do  not  appear  in  Kirchen. 
Occupational  Names: 

Among  these  in  Kirchen  are:  Schlosser,  Schuster,  Lieberles,  Lederer  & Roos. 
Dreifuss  remarks  to  Lieberles:"  The  name  might  have  a connection  with  Libery, 
a name  already  widely  spread  in  the  east  in  the  17th  century,  meaning  the 
congrregational  official  who  handled  funerals.  The  occupational  names  appear 
to  have  a french  basis. 

The  two  names  Schlosser  & Schuster  appear  in  Kirchen  only  in  connection  with 
other  names,  i.e.  Bloch,  Levi  or  Moses,  for  example  David  Bloch-Dreher , 

Meier  Levi -Schlosser  & Samuel  Moses-Schuster . Dreifuss  assumes  that  hese  names 
had  no  connection  with  a trade. 

The  name  Roos  may  refer  to  Jewish  horse  trading,  (tr-???) 

Names  of  Latin  Derivation 

The  name  Veit  (Veist)  is  of  latin  origin  and  is  based  on  'vitalis'.  Lazar  may 
be  an  abbreviation  of  Lazarus,  the  latinised  Elasar. 

Name  based  on  the  situation  of  a house  are  often  also  place-origin  names: 

Per  Dreifuss:  Ellenbogen  is  not  to  be  construed  as  a town  but  is  based  on  the 
name  of  an  alley  (gasse)  in  the  old  Frankfurt  ghetto. 

The  nmae  Hammel  appears  in  Kirchen  as  well  as  in  the  former  OberamtBischofsheim 
(Lichtenau,  Neufreistett)  might  according  to  Dreifuss:  Hardly  be  a name  for  a 
dealer  in  Haitinel  (wethers-tr)  but  rather  derived  from  a place-origin  name 
(Hammelburg,  a.o.)  or  perhaps  as  a short  form  for  Abraham. 

Combined  Names: 

A number  of  combined  names  are  found  in  Kirchen:  Hey-mann,  Selig  - mann.  The 
name  Kaufmann,  according  to  Salfeld  is  derived  from  Jacob.  Another  variant, 
according  to  Theodor  & Wolfsohn,  based  this  name  on  the  hebrew  'meschulam' 
and  might  be  a translation  of  'paid'  ( bezahlt-tr ) . 


126 


According  to  Dreifuss  Ullmann  is  related  to  Ulrich  as  Heineinann  is  related 
to  Heinrich.  But  the  name  of  the  city  of  Ulm  may  have  also  been  a basis  for 
taking  that  name. 

Pecularity  & Odd  Names: 

These  appear  in  Kirchen  as  Mock  in  connection  with  Bloch.  According  to 
Goetze:  Mock... is  a small  heavy  person. 

The  name  Keller  (cellar-tr)  does  not  fit  into  any  of  the  categories  here  listed. 
Dreifuss  feels  the  name,  appearing  mainly  in  the  Tauberkreis,  is  connected 
or  derived  from  'Kellerei'  (wine  producer-tr ) . Grimm  speaks  of  this  too. 


Names  and  Dates  of  the  Jews  Living  in  Kirchen  1736  - 1940 

Notes:  The  names  are  in  alphabetic  order  and  numbered  according  to  the 

Kirchen  Ortssippenbuch  (family  book-tr)  of  Efringen-Kirchen. 

In  the  listing  of  individuals  the  marriage  date  is  determining.  When  such 
does  not  appear  the  ages  of  children  are  given.  The  place  of  marriages  is  only 
rarely  available  and  therefor  generally  not  mentioned. 

When  after  the  dates  (birth  or  death)  no  entry  appears  that  denotes  the 
individual  bom  or  buried  in  Kirchen. 

The  numbers  following  the  names  or  the  indication  son,  daughter,  etc.  refers 
to  the  register  number. 

When  number  of  children  is  given  their  names  are  unavailable. 

Numbers  in  ( ) refer  to  particular  literature/data, for  ex.54.5(0SB  Rust...). 

Married  women  are  listed  under  their  birth  names  when  after  marriage  they  no 
longer  lived  in  Kirchen  or  the  man's  name  doesn't  appear  elsewhere. 

Teh  birth  dates  of  the  third  generation  appear  directly  behind  the  particular 
family  member  if  they  didn't  live  in  Kirchen. 

Register  from  P.  176  - 214  (not  translated). 


Addenda  (Documents)  1-18 

(Tr.Note:  Some  of  these  quoted  documents  are  written  in  an  archaic  officialese 
german  and  to  the  reader  un-familiar  with  these  archaic  expressions 
& grannar  very  difficult  to  understand,  This  is  Tr.  problem.  Therefor 
it  should  be  noted  that  not  only  are  tr.  approximate,  they  may  not  even 
be  accurate . Mea  culpa . ) 


Addenda  # 1 - see  note  67 

Judenschutzbrief  of  1747  (GLA  Karlsruhe  229/52867, Blatt  4— 9, July  Bloch  at 
Kirchen  given  the  Schutz  ( protect ion-tr )) . etc 

'We  Carl  Friedrich  of  God's  grace  Margrave  of  Baden  & Hochberg , landgrave  to 


Sausenberg,  count  to  Sponheim  & Eberstein,  lord  of  Roetlafi,  Badenweiler,  Lahr 
& Mahlberg  etc.  give  public  notice  with  the  power  of  this  letter 


127 


renew  for  the  jew  Hirz  Bloch  of  Kirchen  the  returned  letter  of  3 March  1736, 
taken  him  into  guard  & protection  in  Kirchen  in  our  manor  Roetlen,  kindly 
accepted.  The  protection  fo  this  letter  is  to  know  the  following: 

1)  In  our  village  of  Kirchen  he  and  his  family  may  keep  their  dwelling,  water 
and  pasture  shared  with  our  subjects  (but  the  latteronly  on  those  ways  and 
streets  of  same  village)  that  the  cattle  he  keeps  shall  have  healthy  pasture 
after  arrangement  with  the  local  community . 

2)  Insofar  as  he  has  no  properties,  houses  & dwelling  houses  we  exempt  him 
from  all  personal  taxes  7 bother , but  he  shall  be  bound  to  pay  to  extra-ordinary 
war  7 contribution  levies  made  on  the  net  ire  realm,  after  we  in  case  of  need 
issue  such  proclamation  & set  the  proper  proportion. 

3)  We  allow  him  altogether  in  the  Roman  Empire  allowed  trade  & dealings  like 
our  subjects,  against  further  laws  or  decrees  and  pay  such  taxes  as  our  subjects 
must  pay,  may  loan,  buy  and  sell  but  that  no  other  tradesman  or  artisan  shall 

be  damaged,  or  to  do  work  properly  done  by  artisans. 

4)  And  however  he,  jew  Hirz  Bloch,  is  loyal  and  true  to  our  princely  house  and 
obeys  all  proper  laws  of  our  country  as  well  as  new  decrees  or  laws  without 
exemption,  so  he  also  may  not  engage  in  correspond  with  other  jewries  or  other 
groups  that  might  be  injurious  to  us,  by  threat  of  ehavy  monetary  fines,  or  on 
the  finding  of  the  situation  bodily  & capital  punishment. 

5)  He  shall  not  buy  or  loan  on  bloody  clothes  or  wet  skins  (excepted  the  normal 
purchase  from  butchers  and  others)  and  what  may  also  be  suspicious  or  stolen 
goods,  and  if  such  goods  are  offered  him  he  shall  at  once  notify  the  head  of  the 
village  or  the  Oberamt.  At  the  same  time  he  shall: 

6)  all  purchased  old  silver  pieces  and  thread  he  may  not  sell  out  of  the  country 
but  shall  offer  it  to  us  to  buy  and  inquire  if  we  don't  want  to  buy  it  cheaply 
directly. 

7)  So  he  wants  to  loan  anything  to  our  siibjects,  their  families,  my  servants, 
he  shall  avoid  usury  and  only  charge  the  allowed  interest  as  now  or  in  future 
laws,  under  threat  of  confiscation  of  the  loaned  capital,  and  no  more,  and 
shall  not  make  any  usurious  contracts. 

8)  Portable  goods  or  pawned  items  the  interest  on  which  is  not  duly  paid  after  a 
year,  upon  advice  to  the  Oberamt,  and  upon  adjudication  may  either  sent  home 

or  he  may  be  allowed  to  sell  such  goods,  but  to  pay  the  excess  received  to  the 
debtor  immediately. 

9)  we  want  that  he  honestly  buys  and  sells  and  contracts,  refusing  all  deceit 
in  view  of  teh  heavy  punishment. 

10)  Our  officials  shall  be  helpful  to  Hirz  Bloch  in  the  collection  of  debts  due 
him  as  to  all  our  subjects,  but  he  shall  not  sue  oxir  subjects  and  those  of 


128 


neighboring  pricipalities  outside  our  country , but  shall  apply  to  the 
courts  of  our  land  in  our  pricipality  and  lands,  and  not  appeal  further. 

If  the  jew  has  legal  demands  outside  our  country  he  is  to  advice  our  officials 

who  are  to  handle  the  matter  upon  written  proof,  and  if  not  fruitful  to 

avail  himself  of  the  justice  like  our  subjects  for  prompt  official  administration. 

11)  If  with  our  will  and  consent  wishes  to  buy  houses  and  real  estate  he  shall 
assume  the  burdens  thereon  as  our  subjects  and  pay  them  promptly  & uncomplaining. 

12)  We  make  no  demand  on  Hirz  Bloch  for  bondage  but 

13)  If  he  decides  to  not  remain  in  our  country  any  longer  ( upon  three  months 
notice  to  the  Oberamt  which  has  to  collect  the  Schutzgeld)  he  may  move  freely 
so  long  as  he  has  satisfied  any  claims  made  against  him  by  our  servants,  also 
that  he  may  settle  outside  our  land  and  if  useful  to  him  to  apply  for  other 
Schutz  for  which  we  demand  nothing  from  the  removed  assets,  unless  such  real 
properties  as  he  had  bought  with  our  consent  were  not  fully  paid. 

14)  When  he  marries  off  sons  we  permit  him  to  keep  them  in  his  house  for  a year 
without  increasing  the  Schutzgeld,  but  after  a year  when  such  married  sons 
want  to  settle  & live  in  our  country  and  have  asked  for  & received  permission 
from  us,  which  granting  of  permission  we  reserve  ourselves,  that  they  pay  equal 
Schutzgeld  as  the  other  jews  in  the  country. 

15  he  and  his  may  participate  in  all  customary  jewish  ceremonies  but  may  not 
blaspheme  the  Christian  religion  on  pain  of  heavy  punishment. 

16)  When  we  ask  the  jew  to  assist  our  pricely  court  now  and  then  in  our  affairs 
he  shall  not  refuse. 

17)  So  we  herewith  allow  the  jew  to  have  as  much  meat  as  he  needs  for  his 
household,  in  accordance  with  already  given  or  future  decrees,  may  slaughter 
beeves  & calves  and  sheep  according  to  jewish  ceremony,  and  may  sell  what  he 
doesn't  use  not  only  per  pound  but  per  quarter,  but  not  so  as  to  endanger  butchers 
but  only  what  he  eneds  for  himself.  He  shall  also 

18)  Not  keep  any  cattle  in  unclean  or  similar  conditions,  or  buy  it  if  it 

was  so  kept  and  to  bring  it  into  the  country,  or  only  lead  thru,  for  slaughter 
and  cutting  up.  If  he  does  otherwise  he'll  be  sever ly  punished. 

19)  For  our  protection  jew  Hirz  Bloch  will  deliver  to  us  as  before,  annually 

& freely,  pay  to  us:  30  Gulden  Reichsthaler , and  do  so  quarterly,  at  the  rate 

of  7 fl.30kr.  in  advance. 

But  when  he  doesn ' t pay  the  Schutzgeld  or  he  and  his  do  not  conduct  themselves 
accordingly  this  protection  is  extinguished. 

We  reserve,  in  case  we  no  longer  hold  him  in  respect,  to  cancel  such  protection 


on  a quarter's  notice,  and  after  the  three  months  he  and  his  must  then  move  from 
our  land  after  paying  all  debts  and  so  certified  by  our  Oberamt  that  he  conducted 


129 


himself  well. 

To  this  document  with  all  written  afore  we  have  signed  this  in  our  own  hand 
and  our  princely  secretarial  seal  printed  thereon.  Given  at  our  pricely 
residence  City  of  Carlsruhe,  6 June  1747. 


Addenda  # 3 (to  note  # 151) 

We.  Carl  Friedrich  by  God's  Grace,  Archduke  of  Baden,  Duke  to  Zaehr ingen, 
etc.  have  by  Our  Constitutional  Edict  given  the  jews  of  our  state  equality 
rith  Christians  as  citizens  of  our  state. 

The  equality  in  rights  can  only  then  apply  fully  when  they  are  equal  in 
politcal  and  moral  culture  and  make  efforts  thereto,  in  order  to  ascertain 
this  striving  so  that  this  full  eqaulity  not  be  to  the  disadvantage  of  the 
rest  of  the  citizens  of  the  state,  we  therefor  order  the  following: 

I.  Religous  Constitution 

The  Jewry  of  the  Arch  Duchy  forms  a constitutionally  accepted  part  of  our 
lands  that  like  the  others  is  mder  the  appropriate  church-reglement  as 
further  ordered. 

II.  Division  in  religous  congregations 

Each  area  that  has  a synagogue  for  a nvimber  of  it's  religionists  in  a portion 
of  the  state  territoty  has  church  rights. 

The  law  we  reserve  after  discussions  & proposals.  Until  these  are  properly 
established  the  jews  belong  to  that  synagogue  in  the  land  to  which  they  have  held 
heretofor,  and  if  they  don't  belong  to  a particualr  one  they  are  to  be  counted 
to  the  nearest  one  in  the  land. 

III.  God's  Acre 

Each  synagogue  can  retain  it's  cemetaries  so  long  as  they  were  no  closed  for 
official  reasons  and  a closing  and  move  is  needed.  Whenthere  is  none  new  ones 
may  be  obtained  with  official  permission  in  appropriate  places,  and  the  surrounding 
wall,  depth  of  graves,  time  of  funerals,  etc.  must  be  in  accordance  to  local 
rules,  for  which  the  same  resepct  and  protection  against  insult  will  be  provided 
like  other  religous  biarial  places  in  our  land. 

X.  Attendance  in  Public  Schools 

Up  to  now  men  of  adequate  education  from  their  midst  have  provided  teaching, 

cind  can  be  allowed  to  establish  public  Schools  but  for  reading,  writing,  morality 

ans  composition,  aiso  ror  geograpriy  cuiü  iiic>i.uj.y  wucic  uiicoc  aj.«= 

attend  the  local  public  schools  with  the  Christian  children  and  like  than  pay 

tuition  similarly  to  them,  and  shall  have  the  advantages  and  the  premium.  Local 

officials  and  schoolteachers  are  responsible  that  Jewish  children 

“ äJ^e  to  appear 


130 

in  the  same  state  of  cleanliness  & decency  as  Christian  children  are  used  to, 

so  that  they  may  not  experience  poor  or  even  insulting  behavior  from  the  teachers.  ||||| 

XI.  Choice  of  Different  Local  Schools 

two  public  schools  are  separated  by  sex  the  attendance  of  Jewish  children 
shall  be  accordingly,  but  where  they  are  separated  by  local  conditions  Jewish 
parents  shall  have  free  choice  to  which  school  they  can  or  wish  to  send  their 
children;  once  enrolled  they  cannot  leave  capriciously  and  attend  the  other, 
but  reasons  therefor  must  be  given  and  examined  by  the  school  authorities  and 
found  adequate.  For  no  reason  can  they  be  excluded  except  as  applies  also  to 
Christian  childrenand  who  are  under  the  same  school  disciplin. 

XII.  Private  Teachers 

Private  teachers  may  be  employed  under  the  same  conditions  as  applies  to 
Christian  children,  and  they  must  be  approved  and  found  adequate  by  the 
authorities. 

XIII.  Like  schoolchildren  in  all  schools  religous  instruction  must  be  provided 
for  Jewish  children  by  their  congregation,  time  will  be  allowed  properly. 

XIV.  Rules  for  Instruction  in  General 

Teh  content  of  instruction  for  children  as  in  their  worship  for  the  adults 
must  reflect  morality,  brotherly  love  in  general  & particular,  loyalty  to  the 
state  and  civil  orderliness  according  to  the  laws  of  Moses  and  the  prophets, 
also  explain  to  them  their  religous  duties  and  ceremonies,  for  war  and  peace, 
in  the  same  manner  when  the  nation  still  formed  a state  of  it's  own. 

XV.  Religous  Congregation 

Th0xr  religous  meetings  must  be  public  in  the  synagogues  available  therefor  at 
the  designated  times  or  if  an  extra-ordinary  meeting  must  be  held  after  previous 
notice  to  the  local  authorities  so  that  peace,  quiet  & order  may  be,  because  the 
local  authorities  have  to  protect  than  energetically  like  all  churchly  meetings. 

In  their  synagogues  they  are  to  pray  for  the  regent  and  his  family  as  well  as 
prayers  that  may  otherwise  be  asked  in  the  proper  manner  of  their  religion. 

XVI.  Those  who  for  their  future  profession  need  a higher  education  shall  be 
required  to  attend  a middle  & higher  schools  under  the  same  laws  & obligations. 

Those  desiring  to  be  religous  teachers  will  also  be  provided  for.  The  proper 
authorities/ministry  will  present  a full  plan  within  3 months. 

XVII.  Choice  of  Occupation 

TTinco  who  dn  not  desire  hioher  education  must  like  Christian  children  after 
completion  of  schooling  be  trained  for  a particular  life  and  occupation  in  l|^ 

government,  agriculture  or  trades,  and  if  masters  or  guilds  attempt  to  hinder 
such  training  the  police  author ityis  responsible  in  execution  of  Sazes  23  Litt.o. 


131 

and  Saz  24. Litt. K in  VI  constitutional  edict  to  avoid  any  situations  against 
the  normal  order. 

(Tr.note:  The  word  'police'  is  often  mentioned  in  relation  to  all  sort  of  matters/ 
wether  education/  sanitation  trade/  etc.  It  appears  to  be  a usage  of 
the  period  as  much  as  a feature  of  the  absolutist  state  and  a peculiarity 
of  the  german  language . Normally  we  would  use  the  term  ' department ' 
or  even  'board'  in  such  connections.) 

XVIII.  Requirements  re  Civil  Rights  Locally  & re  the  State. 

Nobody  under  21  has  the  right  of  citizenship  or  settlement  in  the  country 

unless  he  has  a means  of  support  similar  to  that  of  Christians  too.  Of  'trade' 

is  menat  being  a 'Kaufmann'  (merchant/  businessman— tr)  is  menat  carrying  on  a 

buisness  with  proper  book-keeping/  or  open  stores  with  an  adequate  supply  for 

properly  earning  a living  of  goods  in  metal/  leatherm  yardgoods/  groceries/ 

banking/  etc.  in  a manner  as  cturistian  conduct  these  businesses.  The  free  trade/ 

not  requiring  apprenticeship  or  particular  qualification/  in  agricultural  products/ 

cattle/  wines / grains/  etc. must  keep  proper  day-books  with  receipts  & expenses 

listed.  The  so-called  ' Not -Handel ' / which  when  jews  were  not  allowed  proper  means 

of  earning  a livelhood/  and  that  produced  only  a meager  living/  is  no  longer 

allowed. 

XIX.  Not  Handel 

This  Not-Handel  (wether  carreid  on  by  Christians  or  jews  is  suspicious  of  usury 
and  therefor  alegal  concern)  we  include  brokerage/  where  someone  has  to  act 
between  the  buyer  & seller  that  is  not  in  a conmercial  city  established:  Cattle 
brokerage/  which  like  the  poor  cattle  trading  similar  to  scanebody  with  or  without 
a junk  shop  who  peddles  his  wares / whereby  the  visiting  the  proper  markets  is  not 
to  be  so  considered/  but  only  the  walking  about  the  houses  to  engender  a 
willingness  to  buy/  the  second-hand  trade/  loaning  money  in  small  scale  or 
on  pawned  goods / or  notes  with  or  without  additional  proofs/  is  considered 
in  Not  Handel. 

XX.  Laws  for  Nothandel 

Nobody  can  settle  carrying  on  Not  Handel  / even  as  Schutzbuerger , unless  he  has 
already  passed  the  prescribed  age/  but  it  reamins  only  a side  trade/  except  where 
because  of  local  or  personal  situation  one  cannot  earn  a living  from  a properly 
learned  trade/  and  as  principal  occupation  who  provable  are  outside  the  ability 
to  learn  a proper  trade  or  unable  to  carry  on  the  learned  trade/  but  under  the 
<-'+•■1  r^n  4-Via4-  i-V>ov  irmd'  Viavt»  rvF'Fir'ial  nerrmt  for  this. 

XXI.  Requirements  for  such  Document 

Those  jews  who  were  in  'Schutz'  and  continue  to  support  themselves  with  such 
Nothandel  retain  as  'Schutzbuerger'  (Schutz  citizens-tr)  the  right  to  continue 

to  do  so  even  if  thru  good  efforts  and  to  our  pleasure  & grace  they  are  not 


132 


ablG  to  leam  a new  trade  or  business/  but  must  declare  before  the  proper 
authority  what  they  do  and  if  the  Schutzbried  has  expired  they  shall  merely 
pay  the  stamp  fee  of  6 kr.  for  the  document. 

XXII.  Age  Limit  for  Nothandel 

Who  is  not  in  Schutz  but  can't  leam  a proper  trade,  may  let  his  first  or 
second  son  continue  but  only  aged  25  if  he  has  a trade,  and  over  30  if  he 
wants  to  live  off  Nothandel  and  complies  with  all  laws  and  has  a good  reputation 
and  has  not  practiced  usury.  (Tr-These  tr.are  very  inexact). 

XXIII.  Marriage  Permission 

Anyone  Ccin  marry  if  he  has  become  a citizen  or  is  bom  one,  of  marriagable  age 
and  has  followed  all  legal  marriage  requirments,  as  soon  as  his  bride-to-be, 
if  she ' e from  out  of  town  or  in  town  but  not  a citizen  of  the  class  in  which 
the  groom  is  bom, has  been  accepted  into  that  class;  in  view  of  the  possible 
forbidden  grade  the  civil  marriage,  the  separation  S.  divorce  laws  as  well  as 
the  form  and  festivity  of  the  marriage  contract,  and  otherwise  have  met  all 
civil  requirements  of  the  country. 

XXIV.  Acceptance  of  Inherited  Family  Name 

The  head  of  each  Jewish  household  shall  choose  a name  that  will  be  inherited 
by  his  children  of  his  choice  but  nor  if  it  injure  rights  of  others.  He  must 
retain  all  his  names  carried  up  to  now  as  first  name(s)  and  may  not  discard  one. 
Those  that  already  have  inherited  family  names  may  keep  them  or  choose  a new 
one.  All,  by  the  time  this  law  is  in  full  force,  have  to  register  all  their 
names  carried  hereto  as  well  as  that  of  their  wife  and  children  who  are  part 
of  this  naming  with  presentation  fo  their  birth  certificates  or  other  similar 
document  and  receive  a proper  documentation  of  their  civil  names  and  their 
citizenship  status.  The  same  applies  to  all  jews  settling  in  the  country  with 
permission  immediately  when  notifying  the  local  burgomaster  or  that  it  had 
already  happened  before  their  marriage. 

XXV.  Contracts  and  Last  Wills 

In  all  contracts  & Lat  Wills  they  are  under  the  same  obligations  as  the  Christian 
subjects  and  may  not  conclude  usurous  contracts,  and  to  so  excite  their  will 
to  respect  the  state. 

XXVI . Witness 

There  is  no  difference  betwwen  testimony  of  Christian  or  Jewish  witnesses, 
but  the  testimony  of  such  people,  Christian  or  jew,  who  support  thonselves 
by  begging  shall  not  be  equal  except  as  the  individuals  character  is  know 
to  be  good  and  his  testimony  likely  to  be  proper. 


133 


XXVII.  Oaths 

For  both  main  or  side  oaths  the  equality  applies  except  as  to  the  formula 
and  if  necessary  an  oath  must  be  taken  in  public  in  the  synagogue  before 
an  open  Thora. 

XXVIII  Taxes 

After  the  several  provincial  adminsitrations  have  set  the  proper  taxes  they 
shall  be  paid  equally  and  all  others  abrogated  except  as  per  special  law. 

XXIX.  Courts 

They  can  no  longer  have  a court  system  fo  their  own  and  must  use  the  civil 
courts,  and  only  in  religous  matters  may  matters  be  handled  as  before. 

XLIII.  When  This  Law  is  Effective 

This  law  is  effective  1 July  of  this  year  unless  exceptions  are  so  noted  in 
all  its  provisions  and  dignity. 

Hereafter  everyman  must  obey  this. 

Given  Carlsruhe  13  January  1809  LS:Carl  Friedrich 

s.  Freiherr  von  Hacke 

On  his  royal  Majesty's  particular  order.  von  Buecheler 

Addenda  3 8 - The  synagogue  Rules:  (1892) 

1.  The  head  of  teh  congregation  sets  the  time  for  worship  and  so  advises  the 
congregation  in  customary  manner . 

2.  Gatherings  in  front  of  teh  synagogue  and  the  street  leading  to  it  are  for- 
bidden before,  during  and  after  services. 

3.  The  entry  and  leaving  of  the  synagogue  must  be  with  dignity  as  must  be 
the  deportment  during  services. 

4.  On  sabbath  & holidays  the  service  may  be  led  by  others  than  the  cantor  only 
those  approved  as  to  ability  by  the  Synagogenrat. 

5.  Loud  prayer  & singing  with  the  cantor  is  improper. 

6.  Loiand  conversation  during  services  is  strictly  forbidden. 

7.  Leaving  the  synagogue  during  services  should  be  avoided. 

8.  No  one  may  leave  his  palce  before  the  last  Kaddish  is  said. 

9.  All  present  must  stand  during  the  prayer  for  H.M.  the  Kaiser  and  H.R.H. 

the  Grand  Duke. 

10.  Children  udner  five  may  not  be  brought  into  the  synagogue.  Parents  are 


134 


during  morning  prayers  except  for  special  occassions/  Jahrzeit,  etc. 

14.  Those  whose  turn  has  come  to  be  called  for  Thora  Reading  may  not  give 
their  right  to  another. 

15.  After  beginning  of  services  the  entry  of  several  persons  at  once  must 
be  avoided  since  it  must  be  considered  distturbing. 

16.  Without  special  permission  of  the  Synagogenrat  a seat  in  the  synagogue 
may  be  occupied  by  only  one  person. 


Addenda  # 9 ( 245) 

The  most  important  paragraphs  of  teh  law  of  the  civil  equality  of  the  Israelites 
in  Baden  of  15  Oct. 1862  : 

Law  for  the  civil  equality  of  the  Israelites: 

par. 2 The  present  isralitic  Schutzbuerger  from  the  day  mentioned  in  par.l 
have  the  full  right  of  citizenship  and  carry  all  the  duties  S<  obligations  of 
same  except  for  the  temporary  rules  in  par.l  sect. 2.  From  the  same  date  their 
children  are  to  be  considered  as  to  have  been  bom  to  citizenship. 

Par. 5 After  the  time  per  par. 4,  unless  other  laws  are  passed,  those  not  yet 
admitted  to  citizenship  can  do  so  by  paying  to  the  ccannunity  the  cash  money 
for  theri  entry  to  these  obligations.  However  entry  to  the  actual  useage  of 
this  right  is  for  them  as  well  as  theri  sons  over  15,  is  restricted  to  the  same 
limitations  of  the  chrisitan  Schutzbuerger  to  full  citizenship. 

Par. 6 Until  1 January  1872  the  israelitic  care  for  the  poor  remains  apart 
from  the  Christian  under  current  laws,  unless  the  Jewish  congregation  and 
the  civil  community  have  made  other  arrangements.  From  teh  given  date  the 
support  of  Jewish  poor....  devolves  to  the  political  ccxniiunity. 

Par. 7 Those  funds  specifically  dedicated  for  the  support  of  Christian  poor 
shall  not  be  available  to  the  isr.poor  in  future;  at  the  same  time  the  Christian 
poor  have  no  rights  to  existing  funds  for  the  Jewish  poor. 

Par.  9 This  law  is  effective  15  October  1862.  The  ministry  of  Interior  is 
charged  with  it's  execution. 


a 


End  of  [The  Jewish  Congregation  of 

Kirchen]  :